The most poignant passage in the
just-published excerpt of McKay Coppins’ biography of Mitt Romney is not the image of him eating cold salmon-and-ketchup sandwiches, but of him prepping for the impeachment of Donald J Trump:
Romney did his best to be a model juror — he took notes, parsed the arguments, and agonized each night in his journal over how he should vote. “Interestingly, sometimes I think I will be voting to convict, and sometimes I think I will vote to exonerate,” he wrote on January 23. “I jot down my reasons for each, but when I finish, I begin to consider the other side of the argument … I do the same thing — with less analysis of course — in bed. That’s probably why I’m not sleeping more than 4 or 5 hours.”
What’s poignant is the sincerity. And its rarity. It’s not a huge request of a Senator, after all: to take his or her Constitutional duties with a modicum of seriousness, especially when it comes to something as drastic as the impeachment of a president. And yet Romney was one of the very few Republican Senators who did. And he’ll be gone soon enough.
It’s worth comparing him to Mitch McConnell, mysteriously beloved by conservative columnists, whose jaw-dropping cynicism has done so much to hollow out what’s left of liberal democratic norms this past decade. “This is a political process,” McConnell
instructed his troops on the impeachment process. Ignore the plain Constitutional text describing your obligations. Just do what is in the immediate interests of you own party and forget about the rest. McConnell is (barely) living proof of Romney’s remark to Coppins: “A very large portion of my party really doesn’t believe in the Constitution.”
He’s not wrong. This week’s launching of an impeachment inquiry into President Biden when there is no solid proof of a “high crime”
anywhere in sight is also far outside Constitutional norms. Investigate the Biden family’s lobbying connections? Sure. Search for any indication that the president was secretly on the take from foreign sources? Absolutely. Make Biden pay a political price for staying too close to his sleaze-ridden grifter son, Hunter? Go for it.
But impeachment? On the basis of evidence yet to be found? On the
tenuous principle that “courts have historically proved more willing to honor congressional demands when they are made as part of an impeachment inquiry”? That’s a recipe for routine impeachment for routine congressional oversight. It makes Newt Gingrich look like Howard Baker.
It’s not just in Washington. In Wisconsin, a crucible for partisan insanity, the state GOP appears
intent on impeaching a recently elected state Supreme Court justice, Janet Protasiewicz, before she has even issued a ruling! Her alleged high crime is to have expressed an opinion about the
grotesquely gerrymanderedcongressional maps that Wisconsin Republicans have constructed to give them a super-majority in state government out of all proportion to how they do in the actual vote. The charge is that having expressed an opinion during an election campaign, she is required to recuse herself from voting on the constitutionality of the gerrymander.
The trouble is this standard has never been applied to any other justices in the past, has in fact been dismissed in other cases with GOP-backed judges, and is clearly designed simply to block a liberal majority of 4-3 on the court. (The Wisconsin Judicial Commission
cleared Protasiewicz of any violation of the rules.) The same state GOP, it should be noted, reacted to losing the governorship in 2018 by instantly
voting to strip the new Democratic governor of many of the powers of his Republican predecessor. And, for good measure, they
voted this week to impeach their non-partisan elections supervisor, despite no evidence that the elections of 2020 were anything but legit. I mean: why the fuck not?
The theme that connects all these dots is simply a refusal to grant legitimacy to the Democratic Party — even if that party wins a majority of the votes, even if they play by the rules, even if this means flouting the obvious democratic wishes of the voters. That’s also the underlying rationale behind Trump’s grotesque attempt to overthrow the results of the last presidential election — with no evidence of malfeasance. It is that no Democrat has a right to be president; and if they are elected, it must be because they cheated.
In yet another instance of Republican extremism, Senator Tommy Tuberville has effectively
shut downthe usual process for more than 300 promotions within the military for months now in order to protest the Pentagon’s policy of reimbursing female servicemembers who want to travel out of state to get an abortion. The Navy’s No. 2 officer
told the Senate this week, “It will take years to recover … from the promotion delays.” This from a party that claims to respect federalism, and to care about national security. Quite obviously, neither is true. And let’s not talk about the possibility of another federal government shutdown, because the GOP is happier throwing tantrums than governing the country.
Yes, the Democrats are not blameless. The campaign to expand the Supreme Court, or to delegitimize it, because Trump lucked out on nominations, is an attempt to get around ordinary Constitutional politics. So, in a way, was the hyping of Russian interference in the 2016 election; and the new argument that the Constitution already has a provision for barring Trump from running for office again. But these notions have not been endorsed by the president, and are not seriously on the table. In the GOP, in stark contrast, the abuses are real, ongoing, and rooted in a deep rejection of liberal democracy by the Trump base.
All of these GOP tactics are abuses of legitimate procedures for extraneous and utterly cynical partisan ends. Some call these maneuvers authoritarian, but that, to me, suggests something too constructive. These abuses are varieties of vandalism and nihilism, procedural moves in the tit-for-tat destruction of liberal democracy, committed by partisans dedicated to no principle other than keeping the other party out of power.
MAGA is not interested in building anything, in winning a real majority, in constructing an actual future rather than lamenting an invented past. Everything is performative and destructive. It’s all driven by who they are against rather than what they are for. As a Republican Senator told Romney as he settled in, their view is that the first consideration in voting on any bill should always be: “Will this help me win re-election?”
There’s no definitive moment in the collapse of a republic, but that quote comes close. If all you care about is your own grip on power, regard the opposing party as
ipso facto illegitimate, and give zero fucks for the system as a whole, a liberal democracy has effectively ceased to exist. A single major party, captured by radicals and nihilists, can do that.