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Op PRESENCE/Mali (Cdn mission/s, sitreps, etc. - merged)

Doing nothing in the face of evil is a policy that we all have seen through history.Failing to act usually requires more blood and treasure at some point in the future. On the one hand we have AQ and on the other we have their brothers in the Muslim Brotherhood already running a number of North African countries.If the MB has their way we will see a modern Caliphate across North Africa and Palestine. Does that pose a threat to the west ? How about a Caliphate with nuclear weapons ? How about a Caliphate that in effect IS OPEC [If they can take SA and the Gulf States] ?
 
Remember John Foster Dulles (and his brother Allen Dulles) and the domino theory?

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John Foster Dulles                                Allen Dulles
Former Secretary of State                    Former Director of the CIA


President Harry Truman actually proposed the theory in 1947 or 48 to justify intervening in Greece but containment became America's grand strategy during Truman's administration and remained so throughout the Eisenhower years, too. John F Kennedy, however, embraced Dulles' ideals and so did most subsequent presidents of both Democratic and Republican persuasions.

If, and it is certainly a real possibility, a new, hostile caliphate emerges then it can be dealt with as a conventional enemy - bloodily and brutally and forced into abject, unconditional surrender. (And I believe we will have China and India as allies in that.) For now I believe in helping to ferment internecine wars (which is what I think this is) between radical and conservative regimes. I believe we, the US led West, have NO friends, not even one, amongst the African/Arab and Asian Muslim states - and that includes the Gulf emirates. It is better, in my view, to let them fight it out with ever increasing ferocity for a generation or so - the more bloodshed the merrier, from our perspective.
 
:goodpost:

The real thing to keep in mind, T6, is that the Islamists really have no "culture" of innovation, managment or development. True, they might be sitting on a fortune of natural resources, and have millions or even hundreds of millions of people under their control, but what will they do with all that potential? We have seen what they tend to do with that potential since the religion of Islam overran the Middle East, destroyed the Bryzantine Empire and occupied Spain. Even with access to all that manpower and resources, it was Saladin who needed to worry about Crusaders sailing from England and France, not Richard the Lion Heart preparing for Scaracens to sail up the Thames. The Ottoman Empire was vastly larger and had direct access to more resources than the various Italian City States and other European nations, yet a single City State; the Serenìsima Repùblica Vèneta was able to stay competative for centuries (and significantly was finally brought down by exhausting wars on Terra Firma with other Italian City States, until finally it was extinguished as an independent nation by Napoleon).

So yes, it will be exceedingly unpleasant for the people under occupation, and yes, there is a large potential for them to carry out small and large scale raids to vex us and test our patience (until the West, the Chinese and the Indians, and the Russians too, have had enough), but this isn't an existential threat on the scale of National Socialism or the Soviet Union. There are plenty of internal divisions that we can quite cleaverly exploit to keep their attentions turned inwards while we man the barracades around the perimeter.
 
Canada evacuates staff from Mali embassy, urges Canadians to get out
The Canadian Press 20 Jan

OTTAWA - The federal government has evacuated most of its staff and their families from the embassy in Mali, and is urging any Canadians still in the country to get out now.

The Department of Foreign Affairs says all non-essential staff and all 29 dependents of the workers and diplomats there have been relocated from the mission in the capital of Bamako.
The situation in Mali has been volatile for nearly a year, with Islamist radicals taking over northern parts of the country following a coup.

Two thousand French troops are now stationed in the country, trying to help the government there dislodge the insurgents.
Foreign Affairs warns that it now has a skeleton staff in Bamako, with limited ability to help any Canadians who have stubbornly remained in the country.
The department says in addition to the political instability and military clashes, there is a threat of terrorism, banditry and kidnapping in the northern region.
Canada has sent a heavy-life plane to help the French military with their operation in Mali.


                                          Article is shared with provisions of The Copyright Act

a heavy-life plane ?  Good one  :nod:
 
French news is reporting that France's Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius is saying that Russia has offered to transport French troops and supplies to Mali and that Canada was to help to bring African troops to the country.

Article Link
 
The  town of Diabaly will fall within hours according to the French Defense Minister. Progress.
 
How The French Air War In Mali Really Went Down

http://www.businessinsider.com/the-french-air-war-in-mali-david-cenciotti-the-aviationist--2013-1?nr_email_referer=1&utm_source=Triggermail&utm_medium=email&utm_content=emailshare

David Cenciotti, The Aviationist|Jan. 20, 2013, 7:30 AM|11,200|12

Launched on Jan. 11, 2013, at the request of the Malian authorities and the United Nations to help the local army stop the advance of rebel groups towards southern Mali, the French military campaign in West Africa, dubbed “Operation Serval” kicked off with a raid performed by attack helicopters to stop the progression of a column of jihadist elements enroute to Konna, near Mopti in the center of the country.

According to the French MoD, that on Jan. 12 released the first official information about the French activities in Africa, this first action was led by Gazelle helicopters with the 4ème Régiment d’Hélicoptères des Forces spéciales (RHFS), armed with HOT missiles and 20 mm caliber guns and allowed the destruction of four vehicles and led to the withdrawal of the column.

During the raid, one of the choppers was hit and a French pilot was wounded by small arms fire and died at a local hospital.

However, the air campaign to support the Malian army did not only involve light attack choppers.

On the night between January 11 and 12, four Mirage 2000D jets of the Epervier group, conducted air strikes in the north of the country. The attack planes took off from N’Djamena, in Chad, and were supported by two tankers C135.

Two Mirage F1 CRs, six Mirage 2000Ds, three C135 tankers, one C130 and one C160 Transall were deployed to N’Djamena. Rafale multirole fighters were immediately put on heightened alert status and readied for deployment while Tigre attack helicopters were dispatched to Ouagadougou, in Burkina Faso.

About  200 soldiers belonging to the ground component of the Epervier were transferred to the Malian capital, Bamako, by means of C-130 Hercules and C-160 Transall airlifters.

Jan. 13 saw the first involvement of the Rafale combat planes in the French air campaign in Mali.

Four “omnirole” jets from Saint Dizier airbase, took off from their base and, supported by two C-135FR tankers, attacked rebel’s training camps, infrastructure, and logistic deposits before recovering to N’Djamena airbase, in Chad.

Although it was later denied, the aircraft crossed the Algerian airspace on their way to Mali thanks to an agreement with Algeria, that has authorized unlimited access to fly over its territory to the French government.

The Rafales carried three fuel tanks, six GBU-49 5(00-lb Enhanced Paveway II GPS/INS-equipped GBU-12/B Laser Guided Bomb variants) or six AASM (Armement Air-Sol Modulaire – Air-to-Ground Modular Weapon) along with the Damocles pod.

According to the Rafale News blog, this was the first time that the Rafale used the dual mode (laser/GPS) GBU-49 guided bomb during a war mission as the integration of this kind of weapon was only recently completed.

Based on the video released by the French MoD after the raid and showing the four jets landing in Chad at the end of their strike mission, 21 weapons were dropped during the attack.

After a pretty intense start, the war against rebels in Mali turned, at least momentarily, into a low intensity air campaign.

On Jan. 14, just 8 missions against about 12 targets mainly located around Diabali were flown by the French combat aircraft supported by C135FR tankers. These included reconnaissance missions by Mirage F1CR that had relocated from N’Djamena, Chad, to Bamako, in Mali.

After releasing 21 PGMs (Precision Guided Munitions) out of 24 carried (6 for each plane) on the first long range raid launched directly from France, the four Rafale jets of the EC 1/7 “Provence” and 2/30 “Normandie-Niémen” deployed to N’Djamena carried only two or three bombs on the subsequent missions: a sign that, in spite of a “well-armed, well-trained and experienced” enemy, the amount of available targets on the ground did not require the aircraft to fly with a full load of six GBU-12/49 or AASMs.

Still, the buildup continues with more countries already contributing with support forces, or about to. Among them, the U.K., that has made available two C-17 airlifters (and maybe drones in the future), Denmark that sent transport aircraft, Canada that has provided one C-17, Belgium that is about to dispatch one C-130. Togo, Benin, Burkina Faso, Niger, Nigeria, Mauritania and Senegal that will send some hundreds military.

Since Jan. 15, the information officially released by the French MoD has become scarce with less details and figures. It looks like reporters from all around the world either embedded with Paris Special Forces or simply stationed around the main bases in West Africa were denied the possibility to provide much detail about the ongoing Operation Serval for OPSEC issues. Therefore, the only way to get a glimpse of what is going on in the Mali Air War is almost exclusively through the images and footage made available by the French Air Force and Army on social media.

As of Jan. 16 the unconfirmed Order of Battle of the French forces in Mali was made of:
4x Rafale, 2x C-135FR, 1x A310, 1x C130, 3x C-160 Transal, 3x Mirage 2000D, 1x CN235 at N’Djamena, Chad.
2x Mirage F1CR, 8x Gazelle, 3x Mirage 2000D, 4x Super Puma at Bamako, Mali
2x Harfang drones at Niamey, Niger.
Some Atlantique II MPA (Maritime Patrol Aircraft) at Dakar, Senegal, performing ISR.

As of Jan. 18, the French contingent has flown 110 sorties over Mali, including 70 strike sorties. Nigeria Air Force has offered four combat planes to support the operation.

According to a U.S. official who spoke on condition of anonymity to the AFP on Jan. 12, the Pentagon would be evaluating the possible contribution to the French air campaign in Mali.

Intelligence gathering platforms, surveillance drones, aerial refueling tankers: these are the support options considered by Washington.

Even if it's still unclear whether France or Mali have officially requested U.S. help, what is certain is that the U.S. has never ceased to pinpoint rebel positions and monitor their movements in the area.

In the wake of the attack on the U.S. consulate in Benghazi that cost the life of the U.S. Ambassador to Libya Chris Stevens on Sept. 11, 2011, the U.S. amassed Special Operations planes and helicopters in the Mediterranean area, and intensified ISR (Intelligence Surveillance Reconnaissance) activities in North and Central Africa from Sigonella, Sicily, Rota, Spain, and Souda Bay, Crete.

Whilst armed Predators followed insurgents in Cyrenaica, eastern Libya, Global Hawks flew high-altitude, long-range missions from the Mediterranean Sea, to Diego Garcia and back. Some of such missions went (and still go) well inside Africa, and also in Northern Mali controlled by three Islamist armed groups, including Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM).

However, not only unmanned platforms have been operating in the region.

Whereas EP-3Es conducted SIGINT (Signal Intelligence) missions from their standard bases in the Mediterranean area, several special “non-standard aviation assets” are based on a network of scarcely known airports across Africa: Uganda, South Sudan, Ethiopia, Djibouti and, above all, Burkina Faso, neighboring Mali.

Some U-28As are reportedly based at Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso capital.

From there, these aircraft (a military version of the civil PC-12 purchased at a unit price of 3.5 million USD from the Swiss company Pilatus) have been flying surveillance missions in the region, pursuing rebels pick ups in the desert and possibly eavesdropping suspect radio communications.

Other special operations planes (namely, some M-28 Skytrucks) that are used to carry special operators to places with unprepared landing strips and capable of performing special forces insertions and extractions in missions unsuitable for larger special ops aircraft (as the C-130 or the C-17), were spotted transiting through the U.K. on their way to a Middle East or African airport last year.

In order to keep a “low profile” and appear similar to general aviation aircraft during their clandestine missions, most of these special planes flying in Africa are painted in light gray or in white, as civilian planes, and sometimes they even carry civilian registrations.

Anyway, regardless what the official sources say, the U.S. is not evaluating whether to send reconnaissance planes or drones over Mali to collect intel data that could be useful for the French Air Force air strikes: Such manned and unmanned aircraft have been operating and spying over the West Africa country for months.

Therefore, since Paris is probably already exploiting intel provided by Washington, what it needs the most from the U.S. is a bunch of aerial refuelers and cargo planes to sustain the air campaign.

Read more: http://www.businessinsider.com/the-french-air-war-in-mali-david-cenciotti-the-aviationist--2013-1#ixzz2Ibdel0Kv
 
Thucydides said:
Once again, T6, without trying to be too contentious, the situation in Mali is one where we can actually afford to sit out (even if Mali is totally overrun by Islamists, what will they be able to do with it in the end? See Egypt for an example of how the hard line Islamists are taking a State with lots of potential and essentially zeroing it out). OTOH, if we want to go in and actually do something, we need to go in with resources and commitment on a scale and scope that is far beyond what Canada can actually achieve, much less has the willpower to sustain.

So I wish our brothers in the Legion: Godspeed, and safe journey home; but expect only short term remediation of the situation at best.
Unfortunately, the same was said of Afghanistan in the mid 1990's (as a more recent example compared to Japan and Germany in the 30's - sorry, no ref at this time but Chamberlain rings a bell - sure, different situations but...)

cheers,
Frank
 
tomahawk6 said:
The  town of Diabaly will fall within hours according to the French Defense Minister. Progress.

                                              Article shared with provisions of The Copyright Act
French, Malian Troops Retake Rebel-Controlled Town
Voice of America News
21 Jan
French and Malian troops have retaken the town of Diabaly in central Mali from Islamist militants.

A witness in Diabaly told VOA the town was retaken Monday, a week after Islamist fighters seized control.  Reports from the area say armored vehicles carrying French and Malian soldiers entered the town with no resistance, after days of French airstrikes.

Residents say Islamists either fled the town or are attempting to blend in with the local population.

French forces said they were searching for landmines or explosive devices.

article continues...

 
The Canadian government will extend the tour of the heavy-lift transport plane shuttling equipment from France to Mali for a military mission.

Initially, Prime Minister Stephen Harper offered the massive C-17 plane for a one-week mission. But France has asked Canada and other nations to provide more air-transport help, including assistance to carry a West African force of 3,300 into Mali.

Now Mr. Harper’s government is set to approve an extension, to be announced later this week ....
Globe & Mail, 22 Jan 13

As the lone Canadian C-17 aircraft continues its week-long mission in Mali, NDP Foreign Affairs Critic Paul Dewar called for an extension of the Canadian mission in Mali Monday .... With only days left for the mission, Dewar told iPolitics Monday that Canada needs to stay engaged in Mali. However, he said that if Canada is to extend the mission, there must be more parliamentary involvement to debate how a longer mission would unfold ....
ipolitics.ca, 22 Jan 13
 
So wait, now the NDP is calling for military intervention while the Conservatives are hesitant? Can someone explain that one to me? I'm pretty sure if we put a BG in Mali on Friday, come Monday the same NDP would be screaming to high heaven about warmongering Harper or some other such crap.
 
jeffb said:
So wait, now the NDP is calling for military intervention while the Conservatives are hesitant? Can someone explain that one to me? I'm pretty sure if we put a BG in Mali on Friday, come Monday the same NDP would be screaming to high heaven about warmongering Harper or some other such crap.


Actually, the politics aren't bad:

1. The NDP is calling for rich, smug Canada to provide humanitarian military aid to poor, embattled black folks; but

2. If a Conservative government gets ensnared in the African briar patch then the Dippers can castigate them for intervening with big, bad soldiers ~ soldiers with guns and the Liberals might say.

A lot of Canadians are still enamoured with this sort of thing:

military-socio-01.jpg


But they cannot fathom this:

image.php
and, therefore, they don't like it.
 
.... of the fracas:
For the past year, Mali has been mired in overlapping security, political, and humanitarian crises.  Islamist extremist groups expanded their presence in the country’s vast, Saharan north following a March 2012 coup d’état that overthrew Mali’s democratically elected government and led the military chain of command to collapse. The insurgents include Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), a U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization, along with at least two loosely allied groups. In the capital, Bamako, located in the south, the interim government formed in the wake of the coup has suffered from internal divisions and military interference, and must contend with an economic recession and revenue shortages. Insecurity in northern Mali has displaced over 350,000 people and exacerbated regional food insecurity and poor humanitarian conditions.

On January 11, 2013, France launched military operations against insurgent targets in northern Mali, following a request from the Malian government for help in repelling insurgent advances toward the south. French operations mark a sudden and major shift in international responses to the situation in Mali. Previously, international efforts had focused on a French-backed proposal
for a West African-led military intervention, negotiations with some armed groups in the north, and prospects for elections aimed at a more legitimate, effective government in Bamako. The planned regional intervention, termed the African-led International Support Mission in Mali (AFISMA), was authorized by the U.N. Security Council in December 2012. However, AFISMA was widely seen as requiring many months to prepare. During the planning for AFISMA, serious questions have also been raised concerning Malian and regional troops’ military capacity and will, as well as the potential cost and humanitarian consequences of regional deployments.

The United States may provide logistical support to ongoing French operations, as France has requested. The Obama Administration may also provide support to regional troop contributors as France and regional leaders attempt to accelerate African deployments under AFISMA. Prior to the French intervention, U.S. policymakers had reportedly debated the potential for unilateral action against terrorist actors in Mali. The Obama Administration has also called for Mali to organize national elections, and has supported regional efforts to mediate a way out of Mali’s political standoff and contain violent extremism from spreading more widely in the region.

Congress plays a role in shaping U.S. policy toward Mali through its authorization and appropriation of foreign aid and defense programs, and through its oversight activities. Direct U.S. assistance to the Malian security forces—in addition to several other types of foreign aid— has been suspended in line with congressionally mandated restrictions triggered by the coup, which was led by a prior participant in a U.S. training program. The aid restrictions do not affect humanitarian assistance, of which the United States is the leading bilateral donor in the region.

The situation in Mali challenges U.S. goals of promoting stability, democracy, civilian control of the military, and effectively countering terrorist threats in Africa. It also raises questions regarding the strategic design and effectiveness of previous U.S. efforts to do so. Looking forward, Congress may consider issues related to how, and to what extent, to support French and regional military deployments to Mali; whether unilateral U.S. action is required or wise; how to assess previous U.S. security engagement in Mali and the region; and future U.S. aid, including humanitarian assistance. Congress may also consider the possible implications of the situation in Mali for broader U.S. counterterrorism and good governance efforts in Africa and beyond.
Full paper (21 page PDF) downloadable (courtest of the Federation of American Scientists) here.
 
The federal government is still considering how to respond to requests for an extension of Canada's commitment to support the French-led military operation in Mali as the one-week tour of a C-17 transport plane in the western African country nears its end.

"No further decisions have been finalized," Foreign Affairs Department spokesman Rick Roth told CBC News on Tuesday.

Roth, press secretary to Foreign Affairs Minister John Baird, said any decision will not involve a Canadian combat role in Mali.

The current commitment is for one transport plane for one week ending this Thursday. To date, the C-17 has been involved in daily shuttles delivering heavy equipment to Mali's capital, Bamako, from a military base in France.

Last week, French President François Hollande made a direct request during a phone call with Prime Minister Stephen Harper for an extension of Canada's air transport commitment.

This week, French Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius asked Canada to help deliver African troops to the capital. France has more than 2,000 troops in Mali, while troops from neighbouring African nations have been arriving daily in the capital.

A spokesperson for Defence Minister Peter MacKay's office confirmed the scope of the mission could include moving troops as part of "logistical support," but Roth told the CBC that "Canada is not, and will not be, considering a Canadian combat role in Mali." ....
CBC.ca, 22 Jan 13
 
jeffb said:
So wait, now the NDP is calling for military intervention while the Conservatives are hesitant? Can someone explain that one to me? I'm pretty sure if we put a BG in Mali on Friday, come Monday the same NDP would be screaming to high heaven about warmongering Harper or some other such crap.

Based on the outdoor temperature, it is a result of Hell freezing over.
 
Canada's contribution checks off a couple boxes for the Conservatives: Our Allies see us doing something, and I suspect that when Canadians see strategic lift they think humanitarian aid versus transporting military equipment, so it's also not overtly "military" on the domestic side. Outside of a larger training role, this is probably the extent of what we will do.  It's now appearing that it might be a much longer engagement than initially thought, and it's doubtful Harper will risk another unpopular combat mission. The problem is that most of the European nations that Canada is comfortable taking cues from also just ended combat missions in Afghanistan, and are (with the exception of France of course) hesitant to commit and take the political hit at home. Even the US is shying away from a deployment of combat troops (though I would think it's likely US SF are on the ground), so until the US and maybe a couple European nations send troops, Canada won't do anything.
 
apparently from this video that C-17 was full of surplus 1980's molitia rounds

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=01NBUiA3Tjs
 
Kilo_302:

Quite, see: (there's some Cancon):

"Franco-German Relations – and Mali"
http://cdfai3ds.wordpress.com/2013/01/22/mark-collins-franco-german-relations-and-mali/

Mark
Ottawa
 
Kilo_302 said:
It's now appearing that it might be a much longer engagement than initially thought...
You mean to say unseating an insurgency is not quick, clean business?  Who could have ever forsaw this?
 
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