- Reaction score
- 6,482
- Points
- 1,360
The question still stands...
E.R. Campbell said:The Liberals and the NDP are not the only ones dumping fruitcake candidates ... the CPC has dumped "Jagdish Grewal, a candidate in suburban Toronto who defended therapies that attempt to turn gays straight and who penned an editorial that referred to homosexuality as "unnatural behaviour" and heterosexuals as "normal.""
Altair said:I actually found the LPC child care plan.
You can read it if you like. Be warned, it doesn't fit the narrative the attack ads give. Might be because there are more than a few lies in those attack ads.
Canada's Harper Is Unpopular Except With Those Who Worship Him
Theophilos Argitis
October 8, 2015
Stephen Harper, the longest serving leader in the Group of Seven after Germany’s Angela Merkel, faces headwinds the likes of which usually destroy political campaigns: voter fatigue, scandal and a wobbly economy.
So how is it that less than two weeks away from the Oct. 19 election polls show Harper remains in the race? The folks who like him, it seems, like him a lot.
No other party in Canada has as loyal a following, and that matters in a “first-past-the-post” system in which candidates with the most votes, though not necessarily a majority, win. Forty-two percent of Conservative supporters say they don’t even have a second choice, more than double the levels for the opposition Liberals and New Democrats, according to polling by Nanos Research.
A phenomenally dedicated base of supporters in western Canada and rural parts of the country give the Conservatives a head start, with many seats practically uncontested in a way rivals could only dream. On the other hand, tending to this base limits Conservative appeal with more centrist voters.
In places like Simcoe County, a farming community about 80 miles north of Toronto, lawn signs for Conservative incumbent Kellie Leitch outnumber those of her rivals by what seems like 50 to one.
“The base is doing just great,” Leitch, the labor minister, said in an interview while meeting voters in her district last month. “These folks here have been Conservatives literally for decades, generation upon generation, and they are solid. My responsibility is to make sure they understand their voice is represented in Ottawa.”
Conservative Coalition
In winning three consecutive elections, Harper has extended his appeal to suburban immigrant groups -- particularly Asian communities -- that have latched onto his focus on family values and low taxes. They were the voters who handed the Conservatives their first majority in 2011.
All indications are Harper’s electoral coalition -- western, rural, and suburban -- is holding. Conservative voters “are either going to double down with Stephen Harper or they are going to stay home,” said pollster Nik Nanos.
The latest national averages compiled by polling aggregator ThreeHundredEight.com show the Conservatives at 33 percent, the Liberals at 32 percent and the NDP at 24 percent, giving Harper the inside track to win the most seats in Canada’s legislature but not a majority.
Liberal Resurgence
The majority victory in 2011 with 40 percent of the vote was a high-water mark and won’t likely be replicated. Harper benefited then from a relatively strong economic performance during the financial crisis and a mid-campaign meltdown in Liberal support under previous leader Michael Ignatieff. This time, the Liberals are competitive again under Justin Trudeau, who is challenging Harper in the key suburbs around Toronto. Even some immigrant communities -- particularly Sikhs and Muslims -- are gravitating back to the Liberals.
It’s surprising that Harper, who first ran for office in 1988, is competitive at all, having exceeded the typical best-before date for a Canadian leader. Some 70 percent of voters went into this election saying they wanted change. His approval ratings reached new lows during the campaign, with 49 percent saying they have negative feelings and just 28 percent feeling positive, according to Abacus Data.
Harper’s opponents have also been attacking him on the economy, one of his traditional strong points. Growth has been weak and consumer confidence stands near its lowest in more than two years.
‘Bad Movie’
“He’s asking you for a fourth term as prime minister,” Trudeau told a rally in the Toronto suburb of Brampton last week. “It’s like a bad movie franchise. By the time you get to the third or the fourth sequel, most of the stars are gone and the plot’s getting really thin.”
Just a month ago, pundits were predicting Harper’s demise with his party beset by one problem after another, including a Senate scandal that had his former chief of staff on the witness stand in Ottawa. Conservative support hit a campaign low of 26 percent as Harper faced criticism he wasn’t doing enough to address the Syrian refugee crisis.
Yet the more trouble Harper faced the more he reached out to a base that often felt marginalized before he engineered a 2003 merger between the moribund, center-right Progressive Conservatives and the Canadian Alliance, a populist western based party. His embrace of social conservative values won him a faithful following while also limiting his potential pool of voters, which is smaller than that of his rivals.
Galvanizing Support
Harper has doubled down in the campaign on his two main messages: economic and national security -- portraying his opponents as dangerous and naive on both. His decision to go slow on the Syrian refugee crisis, while condemned by other leaders and the media, proved popular with his backers. It also helped the Conservatives bring topics such as terrorism and citizenship to the fore, galvanizing core supporters.
He’s driven a wedge between his party and its challengers over his opposition to allowing Muslim women to wear face coverings during citizenship ceremonies.
“He’s got to stand up to people in the world,” said Julian Lautenschlager, 60, a retired soldier and long-time Conservative voter from Angus, Ontario. “These other guys are too wishy washy.”
The big test will be whether he can hold the immigrant-heavy suburban vote around Toronto, where according to Ipsos Public Affairs pollster Darrell Bricker the “real battle” will take place. The Conservatives are offering their tried-and-true agenda of tax cuts and balanced budgets. The Liberals counter by saying they will increase taxes for the top one percent and cut them for the middle class, and run deficits to prime the economy with infrastructure spending.
Whether Harper can hold these 2011 latecomers to his coalition could be the story of the election.
“The new Conservative base is made up of new Canadians,” said Defense Minister Jason Kenney, who led his party’s outreach to immigrants. “If only new Canadians were voting we’d expect to do better than the overall population.”
What the NDP, Tories and Liberals need to do in the home stretch
BRUCE ANDERSON
Special to The Globe and Mail
Published Thursday, Oct. 08, 2015
Bruce Anderson is the chairman of polling firm Abacus Data, a regular member of the At Issue panel on CBC’s The National and a founding partner of i2 Ideas and Issues Advertising. He has done polls for Liberal and Conservative politicians
but no longer does any partisan work. Other members of his family have worked for Conservative and Liberal politicians, and his daughter works for Liberal Leader Justin Trudeau. He writes a weekly digital column for The Globe and Mail.
Campaign teams are exhausted. Nerves are frayed. That’s as true for the teams that are making gains as for those that are losing ground. As the clock ticks down on this most unpredictable campaign, parties have only a few choices left that might influence things. What could they do? Here’s how I would size up the backroom choices today.
NDP
Incumbent MPs will be worried – some with reason. The party is polling well behind the Liberals in an election where NDP supporters desperately want to see the end of the Harper era. The party has lost the battle to win, has in all likelihood lost the battle for second place, and now must focus on holding as many of its seats as possible. Taking an aggressive stance against the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement is one way to rekindle lost enthusiasm among the labour and far left base – but it’s something of a poison pill. The 15 per cent who will always vote NDP will like this position, but the next 20 per cent who might vote NDP see things differently.
Platform is only one of the problems for the NDP, and can only be part of any solution. The other is the campaign style of NDP Leader Thomas Mulcair. He intended to be more reassuring than Justin Trudeau, and ended up being less inspiring. Forget about finding a sixth gear, he’s got to find a fourth gear. Lovers of old-time NDP religion are the audience he needs to hold, and he’s got to preach it with fire, like there’s no tomorrow. That doesn’t mean talking about postal service, or abolishing the Senate, or cutting small business taxes or (heaven forbid) balancing the budget. It means being a champion for the poor and oppressed – the guy who’ll put his heart and soul into a fight for equality and opportunity. A narrower message, delivered to a smaller audience, with more conviction.
Conservatives
Every morning, Conservative strategists have to watch two things on their dashboard: Is Trudeau still growing? Is our base pumped?
In an ideal world, you could hype the base without everybody else hearing the things you say to make that happen. In the real world, that’s not so easy.
Forget the arguments made by some Conservatives that they are only answering questions about Muslims and they wish people would stop asking. Day after day, comment after comment (snitch line, Bill C-24, risky refugees, niqab-wearing in everyday life), Stephen Harper is letting voters to know that it’s okay to fear Muslims, it’s a prudent thing to do, and maybe even a matter of Canadian honour.
This, too, is something of a poison pill. The more Mr. Harper uses this issue to rally the intolerant or fearful, the more resistant to his message the larger majority of Canadians become. Mainstream voters, hearing these themes over and over, become more tempted to coalesce around the Liberals or any local candidate that can beat a Conservative.
The Conservatives know that over-prosecution of the anti-Muslim theme gives Trudeau an opportunity to profit from a backlash, and makes voters forget about whether Trudeau is ready to manage the economy of the country.
So the logical choice is to use advertising to knock his economic chops with a broad cross-section of voters while using seemingly small tactical moves and off-the-cuff comments to keep the angry and fearful angry and fearful. My guess is that’s the mix they will finish the race with, unless the nightly numbers make it clear they’ve got it wrong. At the end of the day, Stephen Harper’s eye is on a win, and he’s fully comfortable with, and accustomed to, being disliked.
Liberals
The Liberal campaign has passed two important tests so far. First, they have made the case for a platform of investment and growth, and stolen the change argument from the NDP. And second, the Liberal Leader has become the talk of the election, and not in the way his opponents had intended.
Now, the Liberals face a few key choices. To win, they need to find four to five points more support in Ontario, and a bit more in B.C. as well. They can find these among disaffected progressive type conservatives and among NDP voters who are willing to vote red to avoid blue.
Ideally, you’d find a way to do both, which probably involves messages that are a blend of more respect for minority rights than the Conservatives and more economic prudence than the New Democrats. The right speeches and ads could likely balance these, and avoid having one message distract from or weaken the other.
In some ways, the bigger question for the Liberals comes down to whether what it takes to finish on top is more about passion or reason. It may be tempting to assume that voters will react to rational, fact-based arguments, but it’s probably more true that voters have already priced in all the facts and figures and policy ideas that they will consider. What’s left to be resolved is emotional in nature.
Welcome to the home stretch of the most exciting election campaign in modern Canadian history.
I screen shot that section because it had the chart in it. The section above has a part that starts with "the typical 2 two parent family with two kids"whiskey601 said:It starts off "the typical one parent family...". After that that sentence alone, the entire document became suspect to me. It is very obvious who this plan is targeting and more importantly, who would have a harder time qualifying.
:nod:PPCLI Guy said:Really. So there isn't a separate dress code for men and women who are "real Canadians"...of which I am not one, as I am also an immigrant to this wonderful country.
Did you happen to also look from your balcony and see young Canadian (for you, read white) girls of, say 10-12 years old that were dressed in a distressingly sexualized manner? Did you notice the well heeled and well dressed soccer Mom next to her slovenly fat and ill-dressed (white) husband?
Did you also notice the dress code for Canadian girls of Jamaican, Chinese, Korean, Slovenian, Ukrainian and Russian decent? And how their "dress code" differed from the men that they were with?
I'm fine with you being a racist xenophobe - it is a free country....but I will insist that you admit it.
E.R. Campbell said:More polling data, this time from Ekos, 3-5 Oct, n=1658, MOE=2.4% 19 times out of 20:
If you swap the red and orange we are closing in on (trending towards) a repeat of 2011 (the Liberals are almost exactly where the NDP were four years ago, the NDP is only 3% above where the Liberals ended up, and the CPC is 4+% away from a majority).
Same goes for the NDP.E.R. Campbell said:Source for all three graphs, below, is: http://www.ekospolitics.com/index.php/2015/10/after-20-day-lead-conservatives-now-find-themselves-in-a-statistical-tie/
And here is Ekos just a day later:
It's a statistical tie.
This graphic, which suggests Liberal Momentum is building at just the right time, is more interesting:
But there is bad news for the LPC, too, in this graphic which shows that support for the Conservatives rises in step with likelihood of voting:
M Trudeau's only statistical strength lies with those least likely to vote.
E.R. Campbell said:
M Trudeau's only statistical strength lies with those least likely to vote.
E.R. Campbell said:The Globe and Mail's Election Forecast has been updated this morning, there is now a:
75% chance that the Conservatives get the most seats ~ that's up, very slightly
4% chance that the NDP gets the most seats ~ that's down, also very slightly
22% chance that the Liberals get the most seats ~ unchanged
And a
20% chance that the Green party gets more than one seat
7% chance that all three parties win 100 seats or more
5% chance that any party gets a majority ~ that's down from 8%, a statistically considerable drop in one day
E.R. Campbell said:This image is now showing up on social media:
It is good Conservative blue but doesn't have the CPC logo.
It's a good piece of advertising, no matter who made it.
Altair said:speaking of advertising, I hope that who ever wins power stops letting political parties lie in their advertising
milnews.ca said:Interesting "refinement" over time of the Conservatives' view of facial & other coverings ....
The the then-proposed Quebec law dealt with face coverings, too ....Rocky Mountains said:The points are not the same. The first two concern religious symbols. The Conservatives are presently concerned specifically with face coverings.
Wikipedia actually has an interesting chart of how the pre-election polling's been going:AgentSmith said:Well according to the CBC poll tracker, the Liberals have a slight lead. This makes me extremely happy. I hope this trend keeps going.