July 25, 2005
Krugman's sloppy economics
Paul Krugman's attempts at economics are getting stranger. Today, he writes about Toyota setting up a factory in Canada to try to buttress his claims for the virtues of big government. Give him a C for effort.
He tries two lines of attack. One is to claim that American workers have lower productivity because of low government expenditure on schooling.
But last month Toyota decided to put the new plant, which will produce RAV4 mini-S.U.V.'s, in Ontario. Explaining why it passed up financial incentives to choose a U.S. location, the company cited the quality of Ontario's work force.
. . .
There's some bitter irony here for Alabama's governor. Just two years ago voters overwhelmingly rejected his plea for an increase in the state's rock-bottom taxes on the affluent, so that he could afford to improve the state's low-quality education system.
Krugman's implicit claim is that more government spending improves schools. The difficulty here is that the evidence for this assertion is at best spotty, and there is a good deal of evidence that spending more makes little if any difference (see, for example, the work of Eric Hanushek of Stanford and Jeff Grogger of Chicago).
His other line of attack is to assert that Canada's national health insurance system gives Canada an advantage.
But education is only one reason Toyota chose Ontario. Canada's other big selling point is its national health insurance system, which saves auto manufacturers large sums in benefit payments compared with their costs in the United States.
You might be tempted to say that Canadian taxpayers are, in effect, subsidizing Toyota's move by paying for health coverage. But that's not right, even aside from the fact that Canada's health care system has far lower costs per person than the American system, with its huge administrative expenses. In fact, U.S. taxpayers, not Canadians, will be hurt by the northward movement of auto jobs.
To see why, bear in mind that in the long run decisions like Toyota's probably won't affect the overall number of jobs in either the United States or Canada. But the result of international competition will be to give Canada more jobs in industries like autos, which pay health benefits to their U.S. workers, and fewer jobs in industries that don't provide those benefits. In the U.S. the effect will be just the reverse: fewer jobs with benefits, more jobs without.
So what's the impact on taxpayers? In Canada, there's no impact at all: since all Canadians get government-provided health insurance in any case, the additional auto jobs won't increase government spending.
To sort out this mess, start with asking why employers offer benefits, rather than just giving employees more cash. There are two reasons:
1) Sometimes benefits to employees provide benefits to the employer as well. For example, it is widely believed that married men are more productive than single men, either because marriage improves productivity or because more productive men also make better husbands, and so marrige is a signal of higher productivity. Either way, employers who want married men can offer a pay package including a variety of family friendly benefits that are more attractive to married men than single men.
2) Employees may be able to get something cheaper if it is an employer benefit than if it is provided by the market. Usually this is for tax reasons. My employer provides free parking (actually free if you show up early enough). Unlike my salary, the value of this benefit is not taxed. This is a reason why American employers frequently offer health insurance, because employer provided insurance gets more favorable tax treatment than insurance you purchase yourself.
Either way, to survive in the market, an employer has to offer, for a given cost, the pay and benefit package that is most attractive to employees. That might include health insurance, but maybe not. If your employees are young, health care is not particularly attractive, because the young tend not to get sick. Simply noting that benefits are lower hardly means the overall pay package is lower. If Krugman does not know this, he slept through his labor economics class. If does know this, well, figure it out.
When Toyota sets up in Canada, it has to attract employees, either from other employers or by getting them into the labor market. Since everyone gets the health care the government provides, it follows that Toyota will still have to pay Canadian market wages. From the point of view of health care, the only advantage to moving to Canada is if the Canadian system can supply health care at a more advantageous combination of cost and quality, a doubtful proposition.
But Krugman is not trying to praise Canada, he is trying to get Americans to sign up for Canadian style national health care. Suppose the US created a Canadian style system. Then everyone would get the government health package regardless of whether they were working. To get employees to work for Toyota (and any other employer), the employers would have to compensate them for the wages lost to the extra taxes.
Suppose costs in the two systems were identical (say $1000), and there were no uncovered people out of work. Leaving aside things like tax issues, without national health care, an employer who offered health insurance could cut pay by $1000. The employer gives the $1000 to the insurance company. With national health insurance, the government takes the $1000 in extra taxes. The employer takes the $1000, gives it to government. Same thing. Everything hinges on whether national health insurance offers a better combination of cost and quality. Krugman says nothing on that beyond noting, irrelevantly, the fact that health care costs per person are lower in Canada than in the U.S. That could be a more efficient system, or just worse health care. Health care costs per person in Kenya are only $19/year, but only a lunatic would prefer to be sick in Kenya.
So Krugman barely touches the central point, and instead gives us a lot of tripe about lost benefits, as if the ratio of benefits to pay were fixed. If he weren't a relentless partisan, he would give a principles student no more than a C for this effort.