There are alot of similarities with the British experience in NI, not all of them wonderful:
http://www.specialoperations.com/mout/nireland.html
A. Strategic Lessons:
Lesson 1: Military action could not solve deep-seated political problems but did buy time for politicians to search for potential solutions.
Despite 28 years of British military involvement in Northern Ireland the underlying political problems of Catholic-Protestant intolerance and irreconcilable preferences for either union with the Irish Republic or continued membership in the United Kingdom have never been resolved. British military presence, however, was able to reduce the overall level of violence to a point where the civilian police could again operate in so-called “No-Go” areas of Belfast and Londonderry. Senior British military commanders often recognized the limitations of their efforts and were frustrated by a lack of initiative in the political arena. Lt. General Sir Henry Tuzo, General Officer Commanding in Northern Ireland, specifically acknowledge this proposition in a BBC television interview in June of 1971.
Lesson 2: It was difficult to get well-defined policy objectives to which the Army could work steadily and logically. When guidance was forthcoming, it often vacillated greatly.
Part of the difficulty in the early days stemmed from the fact that the British Army in Northern Ireland needed policy direction from two sources simultaneously: (1) the Unionist Government of Northern Ireland located in Stormont and (2) the British Government in London. Even after Direct Rule was established by London, Governments’ continued to be torn between the desires of the Protestant and Catholic communities in Northern Ireland as well as by domestic British political preference to minimize involvement in “the troubles”. For example, Sir Ian Freeland, General Officer Commanding in 1969, repeatedly asked for a statement of policy aims for the security forces under his direction, but was never given one. At about the same time, another senior officer complained: “Politicians and the media often referred to our having ‘softly-softly’ or ‘go in hard’ instructions. No instructions of that sort ever arrived! We worked on our own, knowing damn well that if things went successfully all would be well and if they did not we would carry the can. The one firm guideline we had was the law -- until we tried to get the lawyers to interpret it!” On the whole, officers would have preferred either strong political control or none at all instead of the hesitant direction they got, particularly in the early days.
Lesson 3: Contrary to initial expectations, operations in Northern Ireland were neither short-lived nor low cost.
When the British commenced military operations in Northern Ireland in 1969, British Home Secretary James Callaghan told Parliament: “The General Officer Commanding Northern Ireland has been instructed to take all necessary steps, acting impartially between citizen and citizen, to restore law and order. Troops will be withdrawn as soon as this is accomplished. This is a limited operation... (emphasis added).” Instead, British military presence in Northern Ireland grew from a mere 3,000 prior to Callaghan’s statement to a high of 30,000 in 1972. Overall, 300,000 British soldiers, sailors, and airmen served in Northern Ireland between 1969 and 1994. Director General of MI5 (British counterintelligence) also admitted recently that half of MI5’s resources go to countering the threat from Irish terrorism. The death toll over the years was also significant. If the level of violence in Northern Ireland between 1969 and 1981 were reproduced in a population the size of the United States, there would have been 340,000 deaths over that same period.
Lesson 4: Long-running operations in Northern Ireland elevated overall British Army and the Royal Ulster Constabulary force levels as well as warped the Army’s overall combat force mix.
British operations in Northern Ireland absorbed between 20% to 33% of all British infantry battalions at any one time between 1969 and 1993; these figures include units in training to deploy to Northern Ireland as well as those already on the ground. This led the British to keep a greater number of infantry battalions within the overall Army combat force mix` than they would have otherwise needed to meet overall operational requirements. These significant manpower requirements also led to larger overall force levels than necessary to meet NATO and other external security requirements. The man-power intensive nature of anti-terrorist operations also ballooned the size of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) as well. A White Paper done for the RUC estimates that total police force size could shrink from 12,000 to 5,000 with a political agreement and an end to terrorist violence in Northern Ireland.