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Election 2015

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Liberal heavyweight Scott Reid offers what I think is a sound analysis in this article which is reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the Ottawa Citizen:

http://ottawacitizen.com/news/politics/reid-in-the-midst-of-the-ndp-phenomenon-only-the-stupid-arent-terrified
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In the midst of the NDP phenomenon, only the stupid aren't terrified

Scott Reid

Published on: June 26, 2015

Stupid and terrified.

Those are the only two types of political strategists presently at work in federal politics. The stupid ones are easy to spot. They’re the ones who peacock all over the place insisting they understand what’s been happening inside voters’ heads recently. Poor bastards. Don’t even waste your time on them. That would only make you stupid too.

Pay close attention instead to those who are terrified. They’re the smart ones or, at minimum, they’re not the stupid ones. They at least have the brains to realize and the self-confidence to confess that they don’t know what’s going on. They don’t know why the NDP have recently shot to the top of the polls. They don’t know why Tom Mulcair has all-of-a-sudden become the Dos Equis guy. And, for sure, they don’t know if this NDP thing is going to burn itself out in the heat of the summer season – or grow even hotter, right in time for the fall election.

They. Just. Don’t. Know.

The terrifying truth for today’s not-so-stupid political strategist is that federal politics is suddenly in the mad grip of a phenomenon. And smart strategists hate being in the mad grip of a phenomenon even when it’s working in their favour. Because, by definition, a phenomenon can’t be controlled. You can’t stop it. Or keep it going. You can’t spread it around. Or concentrate its focus. And you most certainly cannot put it on pause for a couple months and then fire it back up when you need it most. It’s a phenomenon – a wild bucking beast. It will go where it wishes, when it wishes and for as long or as little as it wishes.

Some NDP strategists might take exception to this characterization. They would prefer that we believe their recent success is the consequence of carefully planned and deliberately calibrated strokes of genius. This is the “slow and steady, I knew it all along” theory that is the current darling of Ottawa chattering classes.

The best of NDP strategists are smarter than that. They know better than to confuse being present for a phenomenon with being its cause. Mulcair’s team has done a bunch of things well. In particular, they’ve impressively defended their Quebec and BC strongholds. But to claim credit for what has happened in recent times – to suggest it was predicted and predictable – is flat-out disingenuous.

The federal NDP had precious little to do with Rachel Notley’s breathtaking win in Alberta. And it’s not clear what her success has to do with Mulcair’s sudden spike in popularity. Empirically, the NDP leader is no better known to people today than he was just a couple months ago. His economic program – which remains still largely undetailed – has not somehow lit the imaginations of Ontario’s voters overnight.

And yet. Something’s happened. Something phenomenal.

The most logical explanation is that Notley’s victory opened a door that the Harper Conservatives had successfully soldered stuck for the past decade. Her win gave voters across the country permission to consider change. It reminded people, tired by nearly ten years of the same unsmiling, scowling severity of Harper rule how refreshing it can feel to shake up the status quo. Coupled with a weak showing from the Liberals, it created the conditions for the NDP’s recent rise nationwide.

But that’s just a guess. And what do you do with it anyway? By October, the hum of change in Alberta might give way to the dirge of governing. Will that hurt Mulcair? Will voters in Ontario reconsider their recent infatuation? Are there choices the NDP can take today that will enhance the likelihood of extending this spring romance?

The smart NDP strategist is terrified right now because they know that they don’t know exactly how they got here. And that makes it awfully hard to know how to stay there. If you think that sucks, imagine being the other guys.

The great reassuring hope for the Liberals is that this phenomenon, which they understand no better than the NDP, might cease as quickly as it started. In the meantime an action plan is taking shape. A steady flow of policy announcements have been made to show Trudeau as the true champion of change. He’s hit the interview circuit to win back some share of mind. And the campaign has scheduled a big new media buy. All good moves. But hard to know if they’ll pay off because, once again, this thing is a bit of a phenomenon.

Then there’s the Conservatives – the self-styled toughest SOBs in the political jungle. Not only do they also not know what started the NDP surge, it’s not even clear if stopping it will work to their benefit. Outside of some targeted radio ads in BC, the Conservatives have kept their mitts off of Mulcair and stayed focused on Trudeau. Why? Definitely because they believe the Liberal Party could still throw some voters their way. Probably because they believe cutting into Mulcair would only help Trudeau. And maybe because they think the NDP have come close to hitting their vote ceiling.

But even if all of that is correct, the Conservatives’ goose might still be cooked. Whether it lasts or not, whether Mulcair soars higher or drifts back downward, the scent of change has reached the public’s nostrils. That’s never good for the incumbent. Political predictions aren’t worth the internet they’re written on but here’s one that bears remembering: by Election Day, the anti-Harper vote will congregate.

Right now, that looks like it would work to the advantage of the NDP. Maybe things will turn and it will reward the Liberals. Who knows? But sitting south of thirty in the polls, with a stalled economy, a Senate in scandal, a disapproval rating of 65% and the country still in the mad grip of a phenomenon, the Conservatives would be particularly stupid to not be terrified.

Scott Reid is a principal at Feschuk.Reid and a CTV News political analyst. He was director of communications for former prime minister Paul Martin.


The only points on which I would differ with Scott Reid are that:

    1. There is no reason at all to assume that the "anti-Harper vote will congregate." It may, just as easily, remain deeply divided; and

    2. All three major parties, Conservatives, Liberals and NDP ought to be terrified. Mr Reid is right than phenomena are terrifying and that no one really understands them ~ and that applies to Liberals, too.

Here's why I think all three major parties ought to be terrified:

    1. The "anti-Harper vote" might congregate and even grow ~ making either M Mulcair or M Trudeau the 2015 equivalent of Jean Chrétien in 1993: the hammer of the Conservatives. That should terrify the CPC;

    2. the "anti-Harper vote" might, equally, shrink and remain deeply divided giving Prime Minister Harper a "come up the middle" majority government. That should terrify both the Liberals and the NDP;

    3. The "anti-Harper vote" might congregate behind the NDP. That should terrify the Liberals, above all; and

    4. M Trudeau might turn his campaign around and convince the "anti-Harper vote" to congregate behind him. That should terrify both the Conservatives and the NDP.

There is a reasonable probability that any of those four, and other, scenarios might come to pass in October ... terrifying.  :nod:
 
Interesting ...

The Ottawa Citizen reports that the very, very recently formed Harper PAC has shut down.

Harper PAC was formed, according to Stephen Taylor (@stephen_taylor) to counter what its members perceived to be outrageous union spending in the recent Ontario campaign ...

   
CIYfQT0W8AErTQ_.png

   
          ... according to the Manning Centre.

But, says Stephen Taylor, media comments about "third party spending" were muted until it was Conservative supporters spending money ...

   
CIW8_xgWgAAeFzb.png


          ... and I did notice a sudden upsurge in comment: is it only pro-Harper third party campaigning that is "bad?"
 
I don't think that was entirely true.  There was a lot of criticism of Engage that I was reading.  I also wonder if Harper PAC (unfortunate name) goal was to create the environment where 3rd party spending was an issue.  If that was the case mission accomplished.
 
Underway said:
I don't think that was entirely true.  There was a lot of criticism of Engage that I was reading.  I also wonder if Harper PAC (unfortunate name) goal was to create the environment where 3rd party spending was an issue.  If that was the case mission accomplished.

It is an issue, but only one of the "third parties" eneed up closing down. More disturbing, Avvaz and Moveon are not even Canadian operations, but branches of US "Progressive" foundations and political activists. Nothing like having foreigners openly trying to sway elections. They don't have any agenda's, do they?
 
"I am ok with paying more for booze because Ontario then takes that 13 billion in profit and reinvests it. We can argue about how that should be done, but a corporation just takes that money and puts it overseas, rewards shareholders and gives bonuses to execs. Not a great use of my money."

That is one view of the world.  Here is another: "I am ok with paying more for booze because Ontario then takes that 13 billion in profit and spends it. We can argue about how that should be done, but a corporation just takes that money and invests it, rewards investors and continues employing employees."
 
>I also wonder if Harper PAC (unfortunate name) goal was to create the environment where 3rd party spending was an issue.

If they wanted to create an issue, the name is excellent, not unfortunate.  It pushes two buttons, emphatically, by displaying Harper's name and an Americanism for "money in politics".
 
Brad Sallows said:
>I also wonder if Harper PAC (unfortunate name) goal was to create the environment where 3rd party spending was an issue.

If they wanted to create an issue, the name is excellent, not unfortunate.  It pushes two buttons, emphatically, by displaying Harper's name and an Americanism for "money in politics".

Maybe.  Or maybe the Harper Campaign wanted it taken down because it quite explicitly links Stephen Harper's name and links it to money for politics, giving him bad press.  Plus the ad they produced was like a community cable channel production compared to what Engage Canada produced.
 
E.R. Campbell said:
.... this was a "natural" consequence:

11222735_10153433457924204_5857503700292514120_o.jpg
Oopsie (maybe?) ....
A new Conservative attack ad takes aim at Liberal Leader Justin Trudeau’s position on the mission against the Islamic State, but it uses the terrorist group’s own horrifying propaganda images.

In the online ad, posted on the Conservative Party’s Facebook page, Trudeau is shown in a CBC interview saying he would end the CF-18 bombing campaign against the terrorist group, also known as ISIS or ISIL.

The ad uses Islamic State propaganda, including gruesome images of prisoners facing death by drowning and beheading -- and those images may actually violate the government’s own anti-terror law.

The new C-51 legislation gives a judge “the power to order the seizure of terrorist propaganda or, if the propaganda is in electronic form, to order the deletion of the propaganda from a computer system.”

“Here they are using the music and images of a terrorist organization. So not only does it undermine decency, but it undermines the credibility of the Conservatives on their own bill,” NDP MP Paul Dewar told CTV News ....
As always, consider the source - here's what the bill itself says ....
.... (The bill) further amends the Criminal Code to provide for an offence of knowingly advocating or promoting the commission of terrorism offences in general. It also provides a judge with the power to order the seizure of terrorist propaganda or, if the propaganda is in electronic form, to order the deletion of the propaganda from a computer system.

(....)

“terrorist propaganda” means any writing, sign, visible representation or audio recording that advocates or promotes the commission of terrorism offences in general — other than an offence under subsection 83.221(1) — or counsels the commission of a terrorism offence.

(....)

83.222  (1) A judge who is satisfied by information on oath that there are reasonable grounds to believe that any publication, copies of which are kept for sale or distribution in premises within the court’s  jurisdiction, is terrorist propaganda may issue a warrant authorizing seizure of the copies.

(2) Within seven days after the day on which the warrant is issued, the judge shall issue a summons to the premises’ occupier requiring the occupier to appear before the court and to show cause why the matter seized should not be forfeited to Her Majesty.

(3) The owner and the author of the matter seized and alleged to be terrorist propaganda may appear and be represented before the court in order to oppose the making of an order for the forfeiture of the matter.

(4) If the court is satisfied, on a balance of probabilities, that the publication is terrorist propaganda, it may make an order declaring that the matter be forfeited to Her Majesty, for disposal as the Attorney General may direct.

(5) If the court is not satisfied that the publication is terrorist propaganda, it may order that the matter be restored to the person from whom it was seized without delay after the time for final appeal has expired ....
Nice try, though, NDP ....
 
Corporations may write the cheque for taxes but it is largely the consumer that pays them.  There is only one reason to have corporate taxes in Canada, to tax foreign investors.  A Canadian investor gets most if not all the corporate income taxes back as a dividend tax credit when he files his personal income tax return.  A foreign investor gets no such credit.  The purpose of the dividend tax credit is to eliminate double taxation and put the taxpayer in a situation similar to that if he had earned the income directly.  Also, it is not a refundable tax credit.
 
Rocky Mountains said:
I saw a report on this at CTV Pravda and was scratching my head as to how the Conservatives by reporting a fact was promoting terrorism.

Because the fact does not support the "Narrative". Next question.
 
Further to the Tories using ISIS imagery and audio in ads attacking Trudeau fils, here's the most interesting tidbit for me from this account:
.... (Conservative Party campaign spokesman Kory) Teneycke would not answer questions about whether his party would object to other groups using terrorist videos and songs to join the debate. He called that a “hypothetical ad or use” and would not comment. He also wouldn’t rule out the Conservatives using more terrorist video as the campaign goes on.

“Wait and see.” ....
 
The ad features IS** and the Conservatives are accused of "supporting terrorism." The ad also features Justin Trudeau. Are the Conservatives "supporting" him, too? Some (many) in the very anti-Conservative slice of the media are even more muddle headed than usual ~ and they're usually not famous for their ability to think.
 
PuckChaser said:
...and spend like drunken sailors.../quote]

Not an apt comparsion. Drunken sailors are ususally done when they run out of their own money. I have no confidence the NDP would do the same.
 
PPCLI Guy said:
So it may be legal, but it is still distasteful.  It strikes me that they are doing their mean-spirited level-headed best to drive away the middle....


Yes, it is ... but I suspect it's effective.

This ~ "Just Visiting" ~ worked against Michael Ignatieff. It was low, dirty and distasteful, but it "defined" Mr Ignatieff, despite his best efforts to change the channel.

This ...
         
trudeau_ad.jpg.size.xxlarge.letterbox.jpg

                    ... is how the CPC wants to "define" M Trudeau and the "Just Not Ready" theme might do the job.

I (confidently) predict a campaign of unparallelled nastiness in 2015. The CPC have never been shy about using rough, dirty tactics and,
as we saw in the 2014 Ontario campaign ...
         
Stop-Hudak-Photo-from-Ontario-Federation-of-Labour-website.jpg

                    ... Engage Canada's predecessor was also "down and dirty."
 
I have scant regard for the Globe and Mail's Jeffrey Simpson; I regard him as an unwitting spokesman for the failing Laurentian Consensus that used to rule Canada; but I do admire his depth of knowledge of Canadian, especially the Laurentian Elite's Canadian political machinery. Thus I find this column, which is reproduced under the fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the Globe and Mail, interesting:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/globe-debate/are-we-witnessing-the-strange-death-of-liberal-canada/article25141317/
gam-masthead.png

Are we witnessing the strange death of Liberal Canada?

JEFFREY SIMPSON
The Globe and Mail

Published Saturday, Jun. 27, 2015

This week, a quarter of a century ago, Jean Chrétien won the Liberal Party leadership. On June 23, 1990, he defeated Paul Martin at a convention in Calgary, while back in Ottawa the Meech Lake constitutional accord hung by a thread.

A lot of people dismissed Mr. Chrétien as “yesterday’s man.” He had been in and around politics for most of his adult life before becoming leader. It was said that he had lost touch with his native province, Quebec; that he was a terrific handler of files that someone smarter than himself had crafted; that he was corny, folksy and likeable but lacked the gravitas to be prime minister.

Not enough people understood that, as one of his female cabinet ministers once said (privately of course), he had “balls of steel.” Cross him and you paid a price. He had been underestimated politically throughout his career, and had not been accorded the respect of intellectuals and senior strategists in the Liberal Party. It was asserted that he did not know enough about the world; that he did not read his briefing notes; that complexity was his enemy; and that in due course all these alleged weaknesses, and others, would do him in.

Instead, he proved to be the last enduring Liberal prime minister, leaving in 2003. His successor, Paul Martin, flamed out quickly, done in by many factors, including the sponsorship affair in Quebec that had been in operation while Mr. Chrétien was in power. Mr. Martin was gone by 2006. The Liberals have struggled ever since.

One of the enduring books of British political history, for its grand themes and elegiac writing, is George Dangerfield’s The Strange Death of Liberal England, about the decline and fall of the British Liberal Party before and after the First World War.

Could it be that, post-Chrétien, we are witnessing the strange death of Liberal Canada?

It is much too early to predict the outcome of the Oct. 19 election. Polls today could be quite different a month from now. Canada is not remotely like post-First World War Britain, one of many reasons being the existence of a vast Canadian middle class that has always been, and to some extent remains today, a place where Liberals and liberalism have flourished.

Dangerfield’s book brilliantly depicted how one of the dominant parties of Britain, the Liberal Party of William Gladstone and Herbert Asquith and David Lloyd George – the party that had fought for so many noble, progressive causes – as the 20th century unfolded could not understand or withstand social, economic, demographic and nationalistic forces (Ireland) eating away at Liberal support and changing the structure of British politics.

In this respect, today’s Liberals are confronting forces at work for many years, including during Mr. Chrétien’s three mandates, when even while winning elections the party did not capture more than 39 per cent of the popular vote.

Quebec, the federal Liberals’ bastion from 1896 to 1980, has not voted a majority of seats for that party in 35 years. Quebeckers spent many years and six elections refusing to think about participating in governing Canada, or even being much interested in federal affairs by voting for the Bloc Québécois. When they ditched the Bloc, francophone Quebeckers did not return to the Liberals, but voted en masse for the New Democratic Party, which remains their preferred federalist option.

The Prairie West had departed the Liberals more than half a century ago. Voters that comprise two other elements of the Canadian political mosaic split more recently from what had been the grand Liberal coalition.

French-speaking minorities outside Quebec in New Brunswick, northern and eastern Ontario and Saint Boniface in Manitoba used to be the most faithful of Liberals. Most of the ridings with these minorities have not voted Liberal in many elections.

Similarly, Liberals used to dominate Ontario’s industrial cities (or parts thereof): Windsor, St. Catharines, Hamilton, (the east part of) London, Thunder Bay, Sudbury, Sault Ste. Marie, Cornwall. They don’t hold these seats any more, in part because private-sector union presence has dwindled. Liberals, not New Democrats, used to win a majority of these voters.

And now, the Conservatives have decided to contest, with some success, the Liberals’ previous dominance among certain ethnic groups.

Putting back the pieces that have been falling away from the Liberal coalitions of yesterday will not be easy, and perhaps will prove impossible.


I agree with what Mr Simpson says about the workings of the machinery of politics but I wish he had gone father in comparing and contrasting early 21st century Canada to late 19th/early 20 the century Britain when Gladstonian Liberalism fell on to its deathbed. Jeffrey Simpson is right, Canada in 2015 is not at all like Britain in, say, 1895, 1905 or 1915, but the "middle class" in which King's Canadian Liberalism flourished in hard times and in which St Laurent's (very different) Canadian Liberalism flourished in boom times wasn't, in my opinion, the issue. Jeffrey Simpson got the issues right: social, economic, demographic and nationalistic forces [which were] eating away at Liberal support and changing the structure of British politics. I believe that similar "forces" are eating away at Liberal support and changing the structure of Canadian politics.

First: social ~ we remain a socially liberal country, something which Prime Minister Harper understands (but which may be news to most of his party), but it is, increasingly conservative on some keys issues ~ fiscal and administrative, rather than social. New Canadians, especially Asian Canadian have their own brand of conservatism which is far, far removed from the social conservatism of e.g. the "religious right," and even more far removed from the "liberalism" of the Liberal Party of Canada and of the NDP. The CPC has assiduously courted that New Canadian vote, leaving the "progressives" to fight over the 'scraps' of the African, Caribbean, Middle Eastern and Latin American votes.

Second: economic ~ these are moderately "hard time," and that ought to be good for the Liberals who have, traditionally, offered "responsible generosity."But, ever since Paul Martin resigned the Liberal Party has been adrift on economic policy. Stéphane Dion offered a mish-mash of spending promises and green tax increases; Michael Ignatieff offered a leftish plat form, but no one believed him; Just Trudeau has made some intersting promises but he has failed to sell them, as far as i can see ~ my guess is that he, personally, really doesn't understand what his fiscal team have put out there.

Third: demographics ~ all you need to see is this,

Year Number of Canadians   Percentage of
                    Aged 65 +    Total Population
1851             65,000               2.7%
1901           272,000               5.1%
1951         1,09 million         7.75%
1998           3.7 million         12.3%
2016           5.9 million         15.9%
2021           6.9 million         17.8%
2041           9.7 million         22.6%

It's the percentages that matter, and Prime Minister Harper knows that ... we seniors are a massive component of the population and we have two political attributes:

    1. We vote in a higher propoprtion than any other segment of the Canadian population; and

    2. We are cautiously socially moderate but very fiscally conservative.

Fourth: nationalism ~ it isn't Quebec that is the issue, it is the outside world, especially the Islamic "world" and it frightens many Canadians.

Those are all issues that, either: the Liberals, and to a lesser degree the NDP, just "don't get," or which, almost automatically, favour the Conservatives.
 
E.R. Campbell said:
Fourth: nationalism ~ it isn't Quebec that is the issue, it is the outside world, especially the Islamic "world" and it frightens many Canadians.

Those are all issues that, either: the Liberals, and to a lesser degree the NDP, just "don't get," or which, almost automatically, favour the Conservatives.

Nationalism is not just something that the Liberals and the NDP don't get.  It is something that many/most find anathema.  Whether it is the kindler - gentler form of Burns

(It's coming yet for a' that,
That Man to Man, the world o'er,
Shall brothers be for a' that.)

Or the gorier lyrics of the Red Flag of the Labour Party

(The people's flag is deepest red,
It shrouded oft our martyred dead,
And ere their limbs grew stiff and cold,
Their hearts' blood dyed its ev'ry fold.

Then raise the scarlet standard high.
Within its shade we'll live and die,
Though cowards flinch and traitors sneer,
We'll keep the red flag flying here.

Look 'round, the Frenchman loves its blaze,
The sturdy German chants its praise,
In Moscow's vaults its hymns are sung
Chicago swells the surging throng.)

These people not only don't get Nationalism. They detest it.  And the most anti-nationalists of all are the elite elements of both the Liberals and the NDP - champagne socialists, Fabians, one and all.


 
And yet people still don't understand why it is important to know the NDP is a paid up member of the Socialist International.....
 
The LPC is struggling because it could not hang onto King's legacy.  He created a framework in which regional Liberal blocs told the centre (King) what was needed, and he delivered.  Over time the Liberals emphatically lost touch with the west.  That made them dependent on ON, QC, and the eastern provinces, which made their ability to capture seats more fragile.  They inverted the relationship so that the centre started dictating to the regions.

All during the demographic shift and despite their supposed political brilliance, they failed to re-engage the west adequately.

The patronage system they established has been eroded, and is no longer as politically passable.

Trudeau and his peers succeeded in creating a Canada in which francophones (particularly, francophone Quebeckers) have prospects, a place, and power.  That has not been entirely enough to defeat the lure of "maitre chez nous", and it turns out that Quebeckers are probably Canada's most socialist-inclined province and what they really want is a larger value of the ratio "federal money into QC" / "federal money out of QC".  The NDP is the party best positioned to make promises QC wants to hear - more social programs, more transfers, more recognition pandering, weaker conditions for separation - and is making those promises.

Trudeau taught the Liberal establishment to fear strong-willed intelligent thinkers beholden to no-one.  His son has the name, but is likely thought to be more pliable and more willing to campaign.  Unfortunately, his son is also Margaret's son.

The Liberals misattributed Chretien's reign to their own brilliance rather than the split on the right and the rise of the Bloc.

The Trudeau-Turner and Chretien-Martin feuds weakened the party and the systems/structures on which it relied.
 
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