Hey Mr. Trump, when it comes to trade, even America has its sacred cows
If you are going to call another country out on its trade policies, you’d better be ready to defend your own
Naomi Powell July 20, 2018 7:17 PM EDT
In 2002, a former Brazilian engineer born into a family of cattle ranchers and sugar farmers took on the United States government. Pedro Camargo, who had joined Brazil’s Department of Agriculture following a mid-life career change, believed the U.S. was unfairly subsidizing its cotton industry. At his urging, the Brazilian government lodged a complaint at the World Trade Organization and a dispute panel in 2005 ruled in its favour.
What followed is one of the more outlandish entries in the annals of global trade. After a long string of failed appeals, the U.S. was told to eliminate all subsidies for its politically influential cotton growers. Congress balked.
Brazil threatened retaliatory tariffs on a laundry list of U.S. goods: tires, intellectual property, pharmaceuticals and cars. American industry balked.
The U.S. government then made an offer: it would pay $147.3 million per year to Brazilian farmers if Brazil dropped its complaint.
“It was very bizarre because (the U.S.) only had about 5,000 farmers then,” Camargo said in an interview. “It was a payoff and they were paying, basically, to get out of the rules.”
The cotton dispute, while unusual, is a good illustration of just how far countries will go to support politically sensitive industries. It’s also proof of what every trade negotiator knows: almost every country, including Canada and the U.S., has a contentious policy or two, not necessarily hidden, but largely unnoticed until another country wags an accusatory finger.
Of the $900 billion in annual trade flowing between Canada and the U.S., the vast majority of it is tariff free under the North American Free Trade Agreement. Dig a little deeper, though, and you’ll find the aberrations, the policies that aggravate, frustrate or otherwise irk relations between the trading partners and, on occasion, prompt accusations of protectionism.
In Canada, it might be courier services or telecommunications, where restrictions are among the toughest in the developed world. In the U.S., it might be the heavily regulated maritime transport industry or insurance services. Both countries might have a bone to pick with each other — and others — on agricultural policy.
“There’s certainly no clear case to be made that Canada is more protectionist than the United States,” said Alan Deardorff, a professor of international economics at the University of Michigan. “That’s just nonsense. That doesn’t mean individual tariffs are the same, not at all. Each country has particular objectives and sectors it protects more than other sectors.”
In tweets, U.S. President Donald Trump has accused Canada of having “all sorts of trade barriers on our Agricultural products,” treating U.S. agricultural businesses and farmers “very poorly,” and being “highly restrictive on Trade!”
Some form of government aid, be it subsidies, tariffs, price supports or other interventions, contributes 9.6 cents of every dollar that goes to Canadian agricultural producers, according to 2017 data compiled by the Organisation of Economic Co-operation and Development. That’s just slightly below the U.S. at 9.9 cents per dollar.
Both countries’ rates are below the OECD average, though Canada’s share of aid delivered through market price supports — one of the policies considered most “distortive to trade” — is higher.
The main recipient of that largesse: Dairy.
Between 2015 and 2017, the government contributed 44.7 cents of every dollar going to Canadian dairy producers, almost all of it coming from market price supports, according to the OECD’s measure of single commodity transfers (STCs), which provides an estimate of the total dollar value transferred via government policy from taxpayers and consumers to agricultural producers.
Dairy farmers receive the most support of any Canadian agricultural sector, through a complex supply management system that employs production quotas, fixed prices and hefty import duties, said Jared Greenville, senior agricultural policy analyst at the OECD. After dairy, support for most other Canadian food, including soybeans, barley, oats and rapeseed, drops to a few pennies at most.
“If it weren’t for dairy, Canada would be, I guess, one of the champions of better access and freer access in world agricultural markets,” he said, noting that Canada is a member of the Cairns group of 19 countries seeking to liberalize global trade in agriculture. “In fact, if you were to take dairy out of it, Canada provides less distortionary support to agriculture than the U.S.”
Yet Canada isn’t the only country whose support for the dairy industry — one of the most protected group of commodities globally — has been called out by other countries. Between 2015 and 2017, 19 cents out of every dollar that went to U.S. dairy producers came from government support, all of it via market distorting measures, according to the OECD.
If it weren’t for dairy, Canada would be, I guess, one of the champions of better access and freer access in world agricultural markets,
New Zealand and Australia, which demanded greater access to Canadian markets during talks to form the Trans-Pacific Partnership, also took issue with the U.S.
“This was a big issue for the U.S., too, in the TPP,” said Gary Hufbauer, a senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics in Washington, D.C.