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Time has passed, and here is my reply:
The author starts off on the wrong foot in my opinion. He quotes Woodsworth, virtually saying that he is prophetic in his desire for peace. The desire of peace is noble; however, it must not ever be “at all cost”. The exact example used is the benchmark against which the futility of peace at any cost really is. Woodsworth was utterly wrong then, and his statements are utterly wrong now, and always will be. War may make no sense to some, but sometimes it is necessary. The second world war ended tyranny in Europe and Africa, not to mention in eastern Asia. In my mind, that was the sensefulness and usefulness of the war.
As an aside, on 10 September, 1939, Great Britain was not fighting “increasingly alone” against Nazism. France, Poland and the UK were joined in the fight, soon to be joined by other nations.
This is not what makes a just war, this is what makes going to war just (Jus ad Bellum). The conduct of war (Jus in Bello) is a separate, though closely linked matter.
The author talks of the fight against Al Qaeda. I will not comment on that, as this article is primarily about the war in Afghanistan. It this part, the author is partially correct; however, he fails to note that the line between “conventional” and “non-conventional” war is rather blurry, and often useless. I do agree that the war, as such be focused and limited, and that the war should be ended as soon as practicable.
The author must note that once we finished destroying the society known as Germany in 1945, we stayed and ensured that they built back up again; however, it was on our terms, more or less. That is the exact model to be employed in any war: build the nation back up.
Is the author suggesting that we keep going back, playing “whack-a-mole” with nations? In order to ensure that we no produce evils and disorders, it is necessary for us to rebuild that nation, and destroy those who would hamper such redevelopment. This key tenet of the catechism states exactly why we should remain in Afghanistan using the model that is currently employed in Kandahar, and has been for some time. Our Provincial Reconstruction Team, a blend of military and civilians, is our main effort, or at least it should be. We have destroyed the Taliban government though the use of arms. Now is, and has been, the time to build that nation back up.
In conclusion, the author unwittingly outlines exactly why we should stay in Afghanistan. Though disgusting and full of evils, war is sometimes a necessity. And one thing worse than war is waging a war, and then leaving in place the exact reason why the war was necessary in the first place. In the case of Afghanistan, the reasons include poverty and illiteracy. We are making steps in the right direction, and there are those who oppose such progress, because it undermines their own power. And because there are those who oppose progress for all, they must be destroyed.
“it was as a man apart, as a prophet. Frail and aging, he poured into that single speech his whole molten hatred of war, of its utter senselessness and uselessness, of his personal determination to oppose it to the end”
It is also true that at that moment Woodsworth was utterly wrong, as his party and caucus regretfully concluded.
Social democrats in Parliament applauded him, thanked him, and then broke with him, voting correctly to join Britain's increasingly lonely fight against Nazism -- two years before the United States could bring itself to do so.
The author starts off on the wrong foot in my opinion. He quotes Woodsworth, virtually saying that he is prophetic in his desire for peace. The desire of peace is noble; however, it must not ever be “at all cost”. The exact example used is the benchmark against which the futility of peace at any cost really is. Woodsworth was utterly wrong then, and his statements are utterly wrong now, and always will be. War may make no sense to some, but sometimes it is necessary. The second world war ended tyranny in Europe and Africa, not to mention in eastern Asia. In my mind, that was the sensefulness and usefulness of the war.
As an aside, on 10 September, 1939, Great Britain was not fighting “increasingly alone” against Nazism. France, Poland and the UK were joined in the fight, soon to be joined by other nations.
2309 The strict conditions for legitimate defense by military force require rigorous consideration. The gravity of such a decision makes it subject to rigorous conditions of moral legitimacy. At one and the same time:
The damage inflicted by the aggressor on the nation or community of nations must be lasting, grave, and certain;
all other means of putting an end to it must have been shown to be impractical or ineffective;
there must be serious prospects of success;
the use of arms must not produce evils and disorders graver than the evil to be eliminated.
The power of modem means of destruction weighs very heavily in evaluating this condition.
This is the heart of the matter -- a brief, clear summary of what is and is not a "just war".
This is not what makes a just war, this is what makes going to war just (Jus ad Bellum). The conduct of war (Jus in Bello) is a separate, though closely linked matter.
All other means of putting an end to it must have been shown to be impractical or ineffective
But the Taliban regime in Afghanistan was a national government.
It provided al-Qaeda with its principal base of operations as well as moral and practical support that was condition-precedent for the September, 2001, atrocity. That regime could be destroyed through conventional warfare.
I submit that as direct party to an undeniable act of war, the Taliban government in Afghanistan provided the United States and its allies with just cause for a focused, limited and promptly-ended war. Given the history and state-of-play of Afghanistan at the time, it is hard to see how the Taliban regime could otherwise have been destroyed (for example through an embargo, or through sustained bombing) without unacceptable harm to the people of that country.
The author talks of the fight against Al Qaeda. I will not comment on that, as this article is primarily about the war in Afghanistan. It this part, the author is partially correct; however, he fails to note that the line between “conventional” and “non-conventional” war is rather blurry, and often useless. I do agree that the war, as such be focused and limited, and that the war should be ended as soon as practicable.
Here the author loses me totally. Destroying the government, the national infrastructure, and then leaving Afghanistan to its own means would have produced a much worse state of affairs than was the case on 10 September 2001. Such a state of affairs is exactly what allowed Al Qaeda to set up shop in Afghanistan. The example of “lack of schooling and health care” in Canada and other nations is a specious argument that makes no sense in the level of comparison. All Canadians and Americans can get “some” level of healthcare and schooling if they so desire. In Afghanistan, this simply is not the case, and certainly would not have been the case had the west left on 11 September 2002. China Shop rules are in effect: if you break it, you bought it.There must be serious prospects of success
Here we get to the nub of the matter as it stands today.
There were "serious prospects of success" for what was appropriate to do in the fall of 2001 -- which was to destroy the Taliban government in Afghanistan, to install an alternative government with some reasonable level of support, and then to promptly get out -- in, say, 12 months (toward the end of 2002).
This would not have supplied schooling and health care to the children of Afghanistan -- also lacking in many neighbourhoods in the United States, Canada and numerous other countries.
The author must note that once we finished destroying the society known as Germany in 1945, we stayed and ensured that they built back up again; however, it was on our terms, more or less. That is the exact model to be employed in any war: build the nation back up.
The use of arms must not produce evils and disorders graver than the evil to be eliminated
Forces in Afghanistan who oppose the use of that country as a base for terrorist attacks in other countries should be plentifully and indefinitely supplied and supported.
And the United States and its allies should make clear -- and mean it (i.e. through new agreements and an appropriate permanent base structure) -- that a future Afghan government that provides sanctuary to al-Qaeda will again be destroyed.
Is the author suggesting that we keep going back, playing “whack-a-mole” with nations? In order to ensure that we no produce evils and disorders, it is necessary for us to rebuild that nation, and destroy those who would hamper such redevelopment. This key tenet of the catechism states exactly why we should remain in Afghanistan using the model that is currently employed in Kandahar, and has been for some time. Our Provincial Reconstruction Team, a blend of military and civilians, is our main effort, or at least it should be. We have destroyed the Taliban government though the use of arms. Now is, and has been, the time to build that nation back up.
No argument here. I’m not sure of its relevance, however.2313 Non-combatants, wounded soldiers, and prisoners must be respected and treated humanely. Actions deliberately contrary to the law of nations and to its universal principles are crimes, as are the orders that command such actions. Blind obedience does not suffice to excuse those who carry them out. ...
In other words, war criminals must be brought to justice.
In conclusion, the author unwittingly outlines exactly why we should stay in Afghanistan. Though disgusting and full of evils, war is sometimes a necessity. And one thing worse than war is waging a war, and then leaving in place the exact reason why the war was necessary in the first place. In the case of Afghanistan, the reasons include poverty and illiteracy. We are making steps in the right direction, and there are those who oppose such progress, because it undermines their own power. And because there are those who oppose progress for all, they must be destroyed.