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Afghanistan: Why we should be there (or not), how to conduct the mission (or not) & when to leave

A post at The Torch:

The thundering pundit herd
http://toyoufromfailinghands.blogspot.com/2009/09/thundering-pundit-herd.html

Mark
Ottawa
 
Robert Fowler on his al Qaeda captivity and on Afstan on "The National", Sept. 9, from CBC transcript:
http://www.cbc.ca/national/blog/special_feature/living_with_alqaeda/transcript_robert_fowler_inter.html

Video here:
http://www.cbc.ca/national/blog/special_feature/living_with_alqaeda/living_with_alqaeda_the_robert_2.html

...
Fowler: As night falls they take three spare tires and pile them one on top of the other, haul out their nifty laptop, plug it into the engine, to the cigarette lighter in the engine compartment, and fire it up and we watch what we call TV night.

They would have video cameras slaved to sniper rifles as they sort of popped the heads off GIs in Iraq and Afghanistan, endless IEDs blowing up Hummies and trucks and conveys in Iraq and Afghanistan. Lots of suicide bombers crashing through gates blowing up, some buildings, some were other, and every time this would happen the audience would scream Allahu Akbar, and wasn’t that great...

...these guys festooned with sat phones, cell phones, GPSs, walkie-talkies, video cameras and laptops – whose minds are 15 centuries away, whose weapons are a couple of generations old, and who really wish they didn’t have rifles and could get back to the days of the scimitar and saber. Strange contradictions...

...They would not eat with us as infidels...

...I had absolutely no doubt that there wasn't one of them who would have slit our throat at the order...

...I mean they lived in a world that I can't understand. I can understand it intellectually, as I've been trying to explain, but none of those values are values that I could, could get close to, could— I mean there was no fun, there was no love, there was no joy.

At one point, Louis and I, after we had talked about everything we could have conceivably talked about, um, we decided to sing and we are both not singers! But we sang songs, remembered songs and they came running over, "You stop that right now. We're not going to have any of that happy singing. It's unacceptable."

What I guess I'm saying to answer your question, there wasn't, there wasn't, there wasn't enough common ground to be friendly...

The war on terror

...I'm on record prior to this adventure on Afghanistan, and I don't, I cannot object to the objective in Afghanistan, but I just don't think in the west that we are prepared to invest the blood or the treasure to get this done.

Mansbridge: Did this reinforce that view?

Fowler: Yes, it did. And it's more than blood and treasure, because it's also, it's not just commitment and the wasting of our youth and the enormous, enormous cost in difficult financial times, it's to get it done we will have to do some unpleasant things. I mean some deeply hard, this isn't, this is not a nice war.

Mansbridge: But is it worth doing?

Fowler: That's the issue. I mean, I have, I think in other places and times, I have pointed out, I can show you a lot of places in this world where you can put girls in schools without killing people. It's a noble objective, Afghanistan, but a lot of people have tried it before.

I mean, if you in the abstract, Peter, asked me to define a more complex, challenging mission, I couldn't do it. Afghanistan is about as far as Canada's ken as anything I can think of. The culture is as foreign to us as anything you can imagine.

There isn't enough to go around and in our 6 billion there are a billion happy rich people and there are a billion desperately miserably poor people and 4 billion people in the middle who are a lot closer to the bottom billion than the top. We don't have nearly enough money and energy to deal with a tiny proportion of that misery. And therefore it strikes me as rather extreme that one goes out and looks for particularly complex misery to fix. There's lots of things to fix that can be done more efficiently and probably more effectively...

My reaction: Mr Fowler seems to me only too typical of a Chretien view of the world.  Give up if it's tough, and think you can stop nastiness through development.  Seeing as he described from personal experience what terrifying fanatics the hard-men Islamists are, can't he see the consequences of giving them back a big chunk (at a minimum) Afstan would be?  And that material progress is irrelevant to them?  Both as a motive for their actions and as a goal they seek to achieve.

Update: Canwest spreading the news:

Robert Fowler questions Canada's role in Afghanistan
http://www.ottawacitizen.com/health/Somnia/1976494/story.html

Mark
Ottawa
 
MarkOttawa said:
Robert Fowler on his al Qaeda captivity and on Afstan on "The National", Sept. 9, from CBC transcript:
http://www.cbc.ca/national/blog/special_feature/living_with_alqaeda/transcript_robert_fowler_inter.html

Video here:
http://www.cbc.ca/national/blog/special_feature/living_with_alqaeda/living_with_alqaeda_the_robert_2.html

My reaction: Mr Fowler seems to me only too typical of a Chretien view of the world.  Give up if it's tough, and think you can stop nastiness through development.  Seeing as he described from personal experience what terrifying fanatics the hard-men Islamists are, can't he see the consequences of giving them back a big chunk (at a minimum) Afstan would be?  And that material progress is irrelevant to them?  Both as a motive for their actions and as a goal they seek to achieve.

Mark
Ottawa


Actually, this bit is, I think, the core of his “message:”

” There isn't enough to go around and in our 6 billion there are a billion happy rich people and there are a billion desperately miserably poor people and 4 billion people in the middle who are a lot closer to the bottom billion than the top. We don't have nearly enough money and energy to deal with a tiny proportion of that misery. And therefore it strikes me as rather extreme that one goes out and looks for particularly complex misery to fix. There's lots of things to fix that can be done more efficiently and probably more effectively...”

Radical, fundamentalist, jihadist Islam is a problem – a deadly problem so long as “we” do two things:

1. Support Israel; and

2. Prop up the thugs and plugs that rule most of the Arabic/Persian/West Asian world.

It may well be a moral imperative to support Israel and if that is the case then we might just as well nuke Mecca, Tehran, Cairo, Damascus, Islamabad and so on now – rather than wait for the inevitable trigger. Of course if we stop supporting Israel it will likely nuke Mecca, Tehran, Cairo, Damascus, Islamabad and so on fairly soon.

Letting the fundamentalists slaughter the petty kings and princelings and very occasional elected leaders of about ten to 15 of the North African/Middle Eastern/West Asian sheikdoms is, probably, an easy course for us to take. It’s hard to see how Osama bin Laden can do much more harm than the House of Saud has already done. They are, after all, the folks who paid for this:

9-11-1.bmp


For better or worse “we,” the American led West, are in a long, long struggle that, like it or not, IS a crusade against Islam. I’m sure that wasn’t what most of our leaders intended but it’s where we are headed. I’m not convinced it is the right way to go.

Plus, see my comments in the Karzai urges selection of end date for international military operations in Afghanistan thread:

E.R. Campbell said:
If good governance is to be a criterion then they might as well just invite Afghanistan into the European Union because European troops will never leave.

The correct “victory condition” is sufficient security so that the writ of the legitimate, elected Afghan government extends, pretty much, everywhere in the country. Thus: Afghans can make their own political decisions, including decisions we do not like, in their own ways, including in ways we don’t like, without too much fear of intimidation by e.g. the Taliban.

It appears to me that the Canadian and European peoples have given up. They are sick and tired of the war – and it looks like the Americans, Democrats, anyway, are not too far behind.

Our vital security interests have been, pretty much, achieved. Afghanistan is no longer, and likely will not become again, a terrorist base. Al qaeda and its friends will have great problems setting up shop in some other weak or failing state. That aspect of the mission has been accomplished.

For Canada a vital political goal has been accomplished: our “voice” is louder and clearer in the world. It’s neither as loud nor as clear as we might wish but our international reputation is brighter than it has been for about 25 years – when Canada led the anti-apartheid movement. Our military reputation is better than it has been for 40 years. Not great again, but much, much better.

That leaves the “helping the poor, war ravaged Afghans” goal. We’ve failed. Thucydides is right. The first real “test” of helping will be in about 215, when all those girls start to leave school and contribute to the public life of their country. My guess is that he’s a prophet crying in the wilderness and he will not be heard; not in Canada, not in Germany and not in Britain.

IF I’m right, if we’ve “given up” then what is the point in spending more “blood and treasure” on a lost cause, especially when there are other "problems" on which we might spend some of our scarce money?


Edit: corrected grammar
 
This from Canadian Press:
NATO's secretary general, who recently ruffled feathers by urging Canada to extend its combat mission in Afghanistan beyond 2011, quietly scuttled a planned visit to Ottawa that was supposed to take place over the last few days .... Alliance officials were not immediately available for comment. But Canadian government officials, speaking on background, said the cancellation happened at the last minute after an air force Challenger had been tasked to pick up the secretary general in Norfolk, Va., where he was participating in a change-of-command ceremony.  His plan to visit Ottawa was announced Sept. 2 in a statement at NATO headquarters in Brussels .... His earlier musings about Canada staying in the fight drew swift, firm responses from federal cabinet ministers, who insisted the July 2011 deadline remains firm.  Canadian officials said privately Thursday that the decision to cancel meetings, including one apparently with Prime Minister Stephen Harper, was entirely at the discretion of the secretary general and that Ottawa did not insist that he stay away.  They hinted the change of plans had something to do with next week's resumption of Parliament and the possibility of federal election ....
 
If you want proof that “we” have given up then try this, by Sen. Colin Kenny, reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions (§29) of the Copyright Act from today’s Ottawa Citizen:

http://www.ottawacitizen.com/opinion/Mission+impossible/1981758/story.html
Mission impossible
War cannot be won in Afghanistan. It is time to talk about retreat

By Colin Kenny, Citizen Special

September 11, 2009

It is becoming clear that Canada cannot accomplish what it hoped to in Afghanistan. Instead of chasing Taliban, writes Colin Kenny, Canadian troops should focus on training Afghans and the country must begin talking about retreat.

I have long been wary of our military mission to Afghanistan, and along with my colleagues on the Senate Committee on National Security and Defence, have in two reports expressed doubts about its sustainability after three visits to the field.

Like most observers who respect the courage and accomplishments of our troops in Afghanistan, however, I have stopped short of saying outright that I didn't think that the mission could succeed.

The rationale behind Canada's military foray into Afghanistan under the Martin Liberals and then the Harper Conservatives was simple: Canadian troops would help contain the Taliban until the Government of Afghanistan could mature to the point that it would stabilize this nation after endless decades of war.

Unfortunately, the initial assumption of Canadian political and military leaders that the Taliban was a spent force proved to be a pipe dream. That being the case, it was obvious that Canada and its NATO allies did not have time and space on their side. Our troops were fighting a highly-motivated, resilient opponent on its own turf in a place in which military intruders had never sniffed success.

The British invaded in the 19th century and failed badly; the Soviets mounted a massive invasion in the 20th century and got pounded. It is worth noting that the British failure in Afghanistan was one component of the death of the British Empire; the Soviet failure in Afghanistan was a huge component in the death of the Soviet Empire.

The western world's one hope in Afghanistan in the 21st century was that the ruthless Taliban government -- ousted in 2001 by the Americans and their warlord allies -- had not been popular with many Afghans. So if most Afghans were to quickly fall in love with democracy, as well as the democratically-elected government of Hamid Karzai, and a reasonable level of stability could be maintained while this love affair took root ... Canada at least had a chance of helping to create a less threatening, less terrible Afghanistan.

The payoff for a winning roll of the dice would be enormous: the weakening of radical Islam; improved chances of achieving stability in nuclear-armed Pakistan; at least some disruption of the international drug trade; a staunching of the perception that the authority of the western world is on the wane; and lastly, improved lives for millions of Afghans, most notably women.

The punishment for failure was just as obvious: the spectre of so many lives extinguished in a losing cause; a huge drain on western treasuries at a time when national deficits are reaching alarming levels; increased potential for anarchy in Pakistan; the strengthening of the radicalism that is threatening world stability and hammering at western values; continued erosion of respect for western leadership; civil war or a return to brutal Taliban rule for Afghans.

Much depended on the success of the Karzai government to win the hearts and minds of the people and to build its military strength. That hasn't happened.

As members of our Senate committee observed after visiting Afghanistan in December 2006: "Ours is an enormously difficult task. Meanwhile, the task of the enemy ... is relatively easy. They don't have to win major battles. They only need to keep attracting disaffected people to their cause, use those people to disrupt reform, and persist for as many years as it takes for Canada and its allies to lose heart."

And there are good reasons to lose heart. If we had lost 130 Canadians in Afghanistan ... in addition to funnelling more than $10 billion of taxpayers' money into the mission ... in addition to exhausting the strength of the Canadian Forces to contribute in other places ... in addition to skewing Canada's foreign aid budget to favour a country we have no traditional interest in ... if all these bad things had happened but there were significant signs of progress in Afghanistan, then maybe our huge investment there would make sense.

But that isn't the case. Just a few years ago maps showing areas of Taliban control or unrestricted movement focused largely on a few southern provinces. Now those maps show growing Taliban strength in nearly every part of the country, even though the United States and NATO now have more than 100,000 troops on the ground.

Troop numbers don't seem to matter. Collateral damage inflicted by NATO troops through the overuse of air assaults whenever ground troops got into trouble have embittered many Afghans, some of whom clearly prefer oppression under the native Taliban to war waged by outsiders. Taliban recruiting continues apace.

Some say Canada should be focusing on aid rather than military assistance. But aid projects can't succeed without protection. Canada has long had plans to build or rehabilitate 50 Afghan schools, but has only succeeded with five.

Meanwhile, corruption remains rife within the government of Afghanistan. Some government officials are known to have amassed drug-related fortunes of hundreds of millions of dollars. The UN is investigating allegations of widespread fraud in last month's national election.

President Karzai pretended to be a liberal alternative to the Taliban, but allowed a bill to pass through parliament that officially legalized rape within marriages, and forbade women to step outside the home unaccompanied by a male family member. The bill was eventually watered down, but only after intense western criticism.

Support among the British and American public for the war is on the wane and public protests are beginning to mount. A CBS poll released last week indicated that 41 per cent of Americans want U.S. troops out of Afghanistan, compared to 33 per cent last April. Wars cannot succeed.

In Canada, there is a strange hush in the land. Many Canadians identify strongly with families who have lost loved ones in the cause, and one senses that most of them don't want to confront the fact that these lives may have been wasted.

Perhaps that is why Prime Minister Stephen Harper avoids the subject of Afghanistan like Superman avoids kryptonite -- he wants the quiet to continue. While President Obama argues publicly for his "necessary war," and British Prime Minister Gordon Brown makes speeches defending Britain's presence in Afghanistan, Harper avoids talking to Canadians about what he is hoping to accomplish there and what would constitute success.

I believe that continued Canadian engagement in Afghanistan should be minimized, much of the aid money earmarked for Afghanistan should instead be spent in countries where we are wanted and where the effectiveness of aid projects can be monitored, and until the 2011 deadline that Parliament has mandated for pulling our military out of Afghanistan, our troops should be used for training Afghans, not chasing the Taliban.

I say that because what we hoped to accomplish in Afghanistan has proved to be impossible. We are hurtling toward a Vietnam ending.

Our troops have performed magnificently under conditions much more odious than any of us would have predicted. They persevered as a tiny band against huge odds, and the lack of success of far greater numbers of U.S. troops demonstrates what an impossible mission they were faced with.

But we are not achieving anything close to our objectives in Afghanistan, and there is no sign that we will. Why would we continue to risk lives under the pretense that there is good news around the corner?

If Prime Minister Harper has good news, he should share it. Otherwise, he should do the right thing, and start moving toward a word that no soldier likes to hear, but that is sometimes the only intelligent thing to do. That word is retreat.

Colin Kenny is chair of the Senate Committee on National Security and Defence.
Kennyco@sen.parl.gc.ca

© Copyright (c) The Ottawa Citizen

Sen. Kenny was, if not a “cheerleader,” at least not anti-Afghanistan, but he has given up and, I’m guessing most parliamentarians, including most Conservatives, share his views.
 
Further to E.R. Campbell, the start of a Torch post (with many further links):

Sen. Colin Kenny throws in the Afghan towel/Pelosi pooping
http://toyoufromfailinghands.blogspot.com/2009/09/sen-colin-kenny-throws-in-afghan.html

Robert Fowler-heavy, I'd say.
http://forums.milnet.ca/forums/threads/49908/post-873638.html#msg873638
This piece by the Chair of the Senate Committee on National Security and Defence will likely go quite a way to further undermining remaining support for the mission amongst our great and good (policitians and pundits). Sen. Kenny, a Liberal, is the best-informed parliamentarian on military and security issues. He has been a strong and intelligent critic of inadequate government (both Liberal and Conservative) attention and funding in both areas. If he now favours pulling the plug the Canadian herd may really start thundering for the exits...

This is very relevant to the government's attitude:

NATO secretary general cancels trip to Ottawa
http://www.ctv.ca/servlet/ArticleNews/story/CTVNews/20090910/nato_visit_090910/20090910?hub=Canada

...
In Norfolk, Fogh Rasmussen lamented the growing backlash to the war in Western countries.

"Public discourse on the effort in Afghanistan has started to go in the wrong direction" said a copy of his Sept. 9 speech circulated ahead of time.

"If we were to walk away ... soon there will be terrorists in Afghanistan and attacking from Afghanistan, profound instability in Pakistan and in Central Asia. This is simply not a future we can allow to happen."

Such remarks -- especially if they were repeated in Ottawa -- would likely have been incendiary in the current political climate, where the Conservative minority government's fate hangs by a thread.

His earlier musings about Canada staying in the fight drew swift, firm responses from federal cabinet ministers, who insisted the July 2011 deadline remains firm.

Canadian officials said privately Thursday that the decision to cancel meetings, including one apparently with Prime Minister Stephen Harper, was entirely at the discretion of the secretary general and that Ottawa did not insist that he stay away...

Chickens (or rather not wanting them coming home to roost).

Mark
Ottawa
 
So?  What is the West to do, if we all decide to pull out?  Trust Pakistan and all other neighbouring countries that surround Afghanistan to close the borders and keep all the Taliban and Al Quada locked up within Afghanistan?  Trust Pakistan and all those other nations not to allow insurgents to travel to the West on forged passports? 

Yeah!  Sure.  Just frackin great.

 
George Wallace said:
So?  What is the West to do, if we all decide to pull out?  Trust Pakistan and all other neighbouring countries that surround Afghanistan to close the borders and keep all the Taliban and Al Quada locked up within Afghanistan?  Trust Pakistan and all those other nations not to allow insurgents to travel to the West on forged passports? 

Yeah!  Sure.  Just frackin great.


The "problem" is that "we," the people, don't ever ask such questions. They are not part of our calculus. "We," the people, just know - jungle drums, I guess - when we are tired of this, that or the other war and want to "move on" to other, more exciting, things.

Those "jungle drums" are, of course, beaten by "opinion makes" in the media, the national commentariat/chattering classes and sundry celebrities.
 
I don't think we can count on Pakistan to do anything of the sort. On the contrary, it is possible that a resurgent Taliban will lead to the splintering of Pakistan. Remember that that unfortunate state already does not have control over large areas of the country. If Pakistan does fail, what will emerge is anyone's guess, but it is unlikely to be anything nice. The effects are likely to be more dangerous in the long run than the return of the Taliban to power. Perhaps in the long run, the real strategic aim has been to prop up the series of incompetent politicians and frustrated generalissimos that have misruled Pakistan.
 
And don't forget China. The Chinese have interests, maybe even vital interests, in Pakistan and it, and its puppets in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, have interests in Afghanistan, too.

One of China's interests involves trying to keep India off balance and preoccupied with Pakistan. That means that Pakistan, and its nuclear armed military, cannot be allowed to descend into chaos.
 
What to do militarily in Afstan (usual copyright disclaimer):

What Does 'Securing the People' Mean in Afghanistan?
Joshua Foust
http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/article.aspx?id=4264

The U.S. is determined to implement a counterinsurgency strategy in Afghanistan, and one of the most important concepts of counterinsurgency is securing the people: Insurgents and counterinsurgents alike must appeal to the people they're fighting amongst in order to deny the other popular support.

But what does it mean to "secure the people" of Afghanistan? Some of the U.S. government's best thinkers about defense policy and counterinsurgency, many of whom cut their teeth on the urban battlefields of Iraq, have finally begun to consider this question. But although Iraq is vastly different from Afghanistan, there seems to be no end to "importing" lessons from Baghdad to Kabul: tribal militias, awakenings, and, most worryingly, a focus on cities.

David Kilcullen, a former adviser both to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and Gen. David Petraeus, the commander of CENTCOM, said in an interview last year that 80 percent of the population in the southern half of Afghanistan "live in one of two places: Kandahar city, or Lashkar Gah city." More recently Gen. Stanley McChrystal, the commander of U.S. forces in Afghanistan, declared that he will refocus the military's strategy on "the population centers" of the country.

Afghanistan does have a few cities, but it's a stretch to talk about "population centers," because the vast majority of its people live in rural communities. Even in the south, according to Afghanistan's Central Statistics Office, only about 25 percent of the population lives in cities. Furthermore, the Soviet Union's strategy in its effort to defeat the 1980s Afghan insurgency was to control "the population centers," allowing the mujahideen to control the countryside. The Soviets suffered a humiliating defeat.

Focusing on the cities is not the answer.

Both Kilcullen and McChrystal seem to be fighting the last war -- that is, Iraq. Attacks on Afghanistan's major cities are the exception, not the rule, mainly because the U.S. is good at protecting cities. What the U.S. is not good at, however, is protecting the countryside. The majority of fighting and violence, even in Kandahar, takes place outside the city itself. In other centers of violence, like northern Kunar province, the fighting is entirely over control of the countryside.

While many pundits are calling for more troops for Afghanistan -- upwards of 45,000, according to some reports -- they ignore the uncomfortable fact that the troops already in the country are not being used effectively. Far too many of them are more or less confined to enormous forward operating bases, or FOBs, limiting their interaction with "the people" of Afghanistan.

If securing the people of Afghanistan is a primary objective -- and, according to Gen. McChrystal, it is -- the big Forward Operating Bases dotting the country should be disbanded. It is rare that a huge Army base actually encourages security in a given area. More commonly they attract rocket and mortar attacks. And a large base rarely increases the number of soldiers going out on patrol to actually secure the people who live nearby.

Instead, Gen. McChrystal should replace the huge FOBs with smaller community outposts spread through villages and town centers. One lesson that should be imported from Iraq, but that is rarely mentioned, is the community outpost. In cities like Fallujah, soldiers spread out into small outposts, often police stations, using them as a base from which to establish population security. That model worked, but for some reason it's never mentioned when pundits discuss taking successes from Iraq and applying them to broad areas of Afghanistan.

Secondly, the idea of force protection must be reconsidered. The reliance on big bases separated from the actual population of Afghanistan forces soldiers to "commute to work" by driving long distances along easily bombed roads. The fear of IEDs has confined too many soldiers to hulking, multi-ton MRAPs that can barely navigate the dirt roads and that separate soldiers from Afghans with armor plating and thick ballistic glass. Abandoning the big bases in favor of small community outposts would largely eliminate this threat, while bringing soldiers closer to the hearts and minds they are meant to be winning over.

At places like Forward Operating Base Baylough, a small outpost near a cluster of villages in Zabul province, soldiers rarely use their few Humvees, and spend most of their time out on foot, patrolling the countryside and trying to push back insurgents from the surrounding areas. They've seen a surprising amount of success, with larger areas of cleared territory than one would expect for a small base of only a few dozen men.

There are other examples of small bases with foot soldiers that have successively achieved permanent security gains in scattered areas of the country. They don't live in cities, they don't live on the huge bases near the cities, and they tend to eschew the huge armored trucks that are, in the words of one soldier, "a magnet for trouble." Indeed, the most effective "engagements" are the kind where soldiers spend most of their time outside their vehicles, interacting with normal Afghans and building relationships.

Yet this successful model is ignored in the current discourse. Before issuing a demand for more troops, as Gen. McChrystal is expected to do soon, he should instead examine the successes -- and failures -- of the troops he has right now.

Joshua Foust is a military analyst who spent 10 weeks in Afghanistan earlier this year with the Army's Human Terrain System. The views expressed here are his alone. He blogs about Afghanistan and Central Asia at Registan.net.
http://www.registan.net/

Mark
Ottawa
 
BruceR at Flit:
http://www.snappingturtle.net/flit/archives/2009_09_11.html#006525

...
On the home front..one of the strongest politician-defenders of the Canadian military ever has said enough's enough. That's significant. So as of today it's official: there's no one left in Canada who thinks this is likely to end well...

But--the start of a post at Unambiguously Ambidextrous:

Toronto Star: More Like This Please
http://unambig.wordpress.com/2009/09/10/toronto-star-more-like-this-please/

James Travers of the Toronto Star pens an uncommonly sensible piece about Afghanistan and the difficulty of seeing the forest for the trees...

Mark
Ottawa
 
From CanWest News Service:
.... "By 2011, when this military mission ends, our Canadian soldiers will have served there a decade on the front lines, much longer than during either of the world wars," Harper said at Beechwood Cemetery in Ottawa, which became a national cemetery earlier this year honouring Canada's war dead from all conflicts ....
 
A post by BruceR at Flit reflecting local knowledge,

Afghan election update
http://www.snappingturtle.net/flit/archives/2009_09_09.html#006524

and an excellent one by Brian Platt at The Canada-Afghanistan Blog:

This Isn't "Another Iran"
http://canada-afghanistan.blogspot.com/2009/09/this-isnt-another-iran.html

Mark
Ottawa
 
Paul at Celestial Junk:

Afghanistan Naysayers: Ignoring a Sea Change
http://cjunk.blogspot.com/2009/09/afghanistan-naysayers-ignoring-sea.html

...Some of the more ludicrous reckonings state that because Canada is taking casualties ... we are losing. When, I ask, ever in the history of the world did taking casualties mean one was losing a war? In fact, any student of history will tell you that winning moments in war usually came simultaneously with a time of sustaining maximum casualties. Looking back no further than WW1, WW2, and Korea ... the most critical victories were also times of great sacrifice.

Most offensive to me, personally, is the attack from some quarters on Afghan civilians (as opposed to Afghan leadership). Afghans don’t want our schools, our hospitals, warm clothing, vaccines, and peace because they are, after all, just barbarians, or so goes the argument. Tell that to the thousands of children risking their lives to attend schools, tell that to those girls who return even after being hopelessly scarred by acid attacks...tell that to Governor General Michaelle Jean...

Terry Glavin:

"We are hurtling toward a Vietnam ending."
http://transmontanus.blogspot.com/2009/09/we-are-hurtling-toward-vietnam-ending.html

Eight years since the horror in New York and Washington forced the civilized world to face up to its obligations in Afghanistan, a recurring and predictable pessimism is abroad in the world's comfortable classes, coinciding, as it absurdly and routinely does, with a revival of pluck and optimism among ordinary Afghans...

Quite properly, everyone of good will is watching and hoping for the best and cleanest result from the horribly bollocksed Afghan presidential elections, not least the millions of brave Afghans who defied Taliban threats and voted. But can we at least agree to avoid juvenile comparisons with the recent Iranian sham? We might take the time to remember what Iran is, and what it is not. We might also remember what Afghanistan was eight years ago, and what it is now...

...There are a dozen universities, several dozen newspapers, radio stations and television stations, and one in six Afghans owns a cellular phone. Five million refugees have returned. More than 80 per cent of the people have access to basic medical services. Almost all children have been immunized against polio and childhood diseases. The big debate in Afghanistan these days is whether the incumbent president, who was elected peacefully four years ago, has earned enough votes in a scandal-plagued run for a second term to avoid a runoff against his nearest rival.

Somehow, none of this sounds like "a Vietnam ending" to me. It certainly isn't evidence for an argument to "retreat."

Go figure.

Mark
Ottawa
 
Here, reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions (§29) of the Copyright Act from today’s National Post, is a thoughtful article on our political propensity to “cut and run:”

http://www.nationalpost.com/news/world/afghanistan/story.html?id=1990933
John Ivison: Operation sleepwalk
Analysis

John Ivison, National Post

Monday, September 14, 2009

A political consensus has emerged over Canada's involvement in Afghanistan. That is, there are no votes to be won in talking about it, so our politicians have decided not to bother.

Even NDP leader Jack Layton, who could always be relied on to bang on about Canadian troops being withdrawn with immediate effect, has been strangely mute on the subject.

Since the Manley report on Afghanistan, and the motion adopted by the House of Commons in March 2008 that committed the government to end Canada's military presence by the end of 2011, it's as if politicians of all stripes have reached the conclusion their mission has been accomplished.

But as one Canadian with military, governance and NGO experience in Afghanistan put it, Canada is sleepwalking toward 2011, with no clear vision of what is going to follow the military mission.

"It's the latter half of 2009 and Canadians still don't have a picture in their mind's eye of what military pullout really means.

"Are we going to leave development projects protected by the Afghan national army? Are we still going to contribute to Afghan police and army training? Are we going to keep the PRT [Provincial Reconstruction Team] in Kandahar -- and if not, how is CIDA [Canadian International Development Agency] going to operate?" he said.

The motion adopted in the House suggested that Canada's contribution to reconciliation and development should be "revamped and increased" but no one really knows what shape development efforts will take post-2011. For example, will Canada continue to expend much of its development efforts in the Kandahar region, where the security situation has made aid efforts all but impossible? And will Canada still insist on spending much of its budget on "signature" projects such as the repair of the Dahla Dam irrigation system -- initiatives that are identifiably Canadian and provide the government with a maple-leaf festooned backdrop for photo ops when itinerant Cabinet ministers drop in?

Both the concentration on Kandahar region, which received about half of the $349-million spent on development aid in the last fiscal year, and the creation of signature projects were recommendations of the independent panel on Canada's future in Afghanistan, chaired by former Liberal finance minister John Manley.

They received little scrutiny at a time when the focus was on the future of the military mission, but they deserve to be the subject of renewed debate as the development role comes to the fore.

The scope of Canadian development efforts is wide and deep. Our government is contributing to more than 30 different projects, ranging from such basic services as highway construction to humanitarian efforts such as land-mine removal and cultural projects such as education and job training for women.

Canada has experienced its own mini-civilian surge, with numbers doubling to around 100, including personnel from Foreign Affairs, CIDA, the RCMP and Correctional Services. However, most are stuck inside the embassy compound in Kabul or inside the wire of Kandahar Airfield.

The Manley panel argued that too much Canadian money was flowing through multi-lateral agencies and Afghan government national programs administered from Kabul, leaving little for "locally managed, quick-action projects that bring immediate improvements to everyday life for Afghans or for signature projects readily identifiable as supported by Canada."

For a government keen to sell a war that was becoming increasingly unpopular, it was a seductive argument. Officials say the signature projects were requested by the Afghan government. Yet, even senior Canadian diplomats in Kabul admit that the new strategy was geared more to building public support at home than lifting Afghans out of poverty.

In the post-Manley development era, critics contend Canada shifted its focus from programs administered by the Afghan government, even those that had been successful.

Nipa Banerjee served as head of Canada's aid program in Kabul from 2003 to 2006 and now teaches international development at the University of Ottawa. Recently returned from Afghanistan, she is highly critical of recent Canadian policy. "We should be trying to legitimize the Afghan government and legitimacy comes when the government is seen to be responsible for delivering security and services to the people," she said. "Everyone in the South knows the [signature projects] are foreign projects. That does not help legitimize the Afghan government."

The $1-billion spent by Canada on development and reconstruction efforts since 2001 has thrown up some relative success stories. The latest quarterly update on Canada's operations in Afghanistan reveals the mentoring of the Afghan National Army is making progress -- one of five ANA "kandaks" (army battalions) is now judged fully capable of sustaining near-autonomous operations. The goal is to have four of five reach that capacity by 2011.

Another of Canada's signature projects is the construction or repair of 50 schools by 2011 and the quarterly update suggests that 19 have been completed already.

Other programs hailed as points of light include micro-finance to small Afghan businesses and polio vaccination.

But even the circular reasoning of the bureaucracy cannot hide the fact that much of the development effort in the war-torn Kandahar region has been, in the army terminology of the day, a "big fat Freddy" (that is, not very successful).

The quarterly report reveals that in "zero of six key districts, a majority of Kandaharis perceive an improvement in security."

In this worsening security situation, the graph on just about every metric of success has gone south. "Development work in these areas is not cost-beneficial because the security costs are so high," said Ms. Banerjee.

The Dahla Dam project was perceived as a potential jobs bonanza for Afghans but the report concludes "no additional jobs were created this quarter." Government officials claim that the project is "on track."

Only 25% of the Afghan National Police force have completed training -- a percentage that will fluctuate "due to high desertion and casualty rates" but is unlikely to reach the goal of 80% anytime soon. The report also says "minimal judicial infrastructure exists in Kandahar City" and the Afghan Ministry of Justice lacks the capacity to put into effect legislation passed by its own parliament. Small wonder that many Afghans are said to prefer the Taliban's rural courts that are quicker and give more predictable rulings.

First-hand observers note that in areas of uncertain security -- which include large swaths of the country -- humanitarian and development work is non-existent, which greatly reduces the efficiency of the dollars poured in by CIDA and the UN.

There is a legitimate school of thought that says building a state in Afghanistan is impossible because of the fragile nature of political process. Rory Stewart, the diplomat, author and academic, wrote recently that the Western view that there will be only one winner in Afghanistan -- democracy and a strong Afghan state -- offers "an inflated sense of moral obligation and power."

"It is impossible for [the West] to build an Afghan state. They have no clear picture of this promised 'state,' and such a thing could come only from an Afghan national movement, not as a gift from foreigners," he said.

Mr. Stewart proposes a reduction in troop numbers and a repudiation of the strategy of state-building, but not total withdrawal. "Good projects could continue to be undertaken in electricity, water, irrigation, health, education, agriculture, rural development and in other areas favoured by development agencies. We should not control and v," he said.

It might be argued that while Canadian policy pays lip-service to the opaque Obama vision of a powerful central Afghan government, its actions more closely reflect Mr. Stewart's less ambitious game plan.

What is clear is that Canada's political class is not talking about what military pullout really means. The lack of debate offers proof to the adage that, if diplomacy is about surviving into the next century, politics in a minority parliament is about surviving into next week. But the blood and treasure already paid by Canadians demands our political leaders take a more strategic view and start talking openly about the next step.


At the risk of repeating myself:

• Rory Stewart is right – “we” cannot build a modern, democratic Afghan state. Only the Afghans can build what they want. What we can and should do is to create the security conditions that allow them to solve their own problems in their own ways;

• No Canadian government, not Chrétien’s, not Martin’s and not Harper’s, ever wanted to succeed in Afghanistan. They all had and still have domestic, partisan political aims that always override every strategic consideration; 

• Despite Ivison’s very legitimate demand, we will not hear much about Afghanistan because there is a broad, national consensus that “we’re done here.”
 
Confident voice of Canadian troops rarely heard in Afghan debate
By Matthew Fisher
http://www.nationalpost.com/news/world/afghanistan/story.html?id=1989902

Sapper Alexandre Beaudin-D'Anjou, his face still bloodied and badly swollen one day after a homemade landmine had killed two of his colleagues last week, announced he would answer questions about the awful incident, but only after making a statement.

In what was an exceptional "cri de coeur" to his countrymen on the home front, the young combat engineer from Quebec City declared: "I want to say that part of the Canadian population negatively views the work that we do here, above all because they don't understand what we do. In my opinion, the majority of the Afghan population benefits from what we do.

"Sadly, there are dangers in this, as you saw in yesterday's incident. All the soldiers feel deeply that we will finish this work for one another."

With Internet access, and radio and television stations streaming news programs to their forward-operating bases and strongpoints, soldiers are acutely aware that some commentators -- with little or no knowledge of what soldiers confront in Afghanistan -- have given up on them and their mission.

They say they are more than a little bewildered by all the discussion about "wither Afghanistan" and disappointed that the Liberals and Conservatives -- who ordered them to the far side of the world -- have become so terrified about the Afghan file's potential political consequences that they have fallen silent about the current mission and what Canada may do when Parliament's current mandate expires in 2011.

There could not be two more different views of what Canada is achieving in Afghanistan than that of the troops and of the mission's critics at home.

Unlike the U.S., where there is a robust, multi-faceted debate about Afghanistan in which senior soldiers can make their views known, all Canadian soldiers are under strict orders from Ottawa to remain silent about the Afghan mission's future and ways that Canada might adapt or change its mission for the better [emphasis added--see below].

However, in stark contrast to the talk at home, there is confidence among Canadian troops and civilians in Kandahar that a tipping point has been reached recently in the province, with the long awaited arrival of the U.S. cavalry...

The view of many Canadian soldiers, which they have not been allowed to express publicly, is that the war in Afghanistan is far from being lost. There is much evidence that the Taliban is running out of room to hide and will find themselves in a dire situation if more U.S. troops are made available to cover the flanks and the routes they take to their winter sanctuaries in Afghanistan are cut off...

Canadian media watched closely in Afghanistan
Details on stories, interviews, questioning circulated through many levels of government

http://www.thestar.com/news/canada/article/695031

...
Public affairs officers in Kandahar and their civilian counterparts are often the only ones embedded reporters can ask for interviews or information [emphasis added]. That position gives them an inside look not only at what stories have been filed, but where reporters are going with their inquiries. The information forms the bulk of the carefully detailed briefing notes filed almost daily.

The briefings outline which news organizations have reporters in the field, what information they have requested and what stories they are working on.

They show some interviews are either approved or denied by the Privy Council Office. Talking points for other interviews are approved in advance.

The notes contain exhaustive summaries of interviews given by civilian officials at which no military officers were present. Interviews granted by officers are also summarized and evaluated as to the performance of the interviewee [emphasis added]...

Mark
Ottawa
 
Point,
MarkOttawa said:
Canadian media watched closely in Afghanistan
Details on stories, interviews, questioning circulated through many levels of government

http://www.thestar.com/news/canada/article/695031

Counterpoint
This is news?
 
Interesting questions from a Canadian officer:
http://usacac.leavenworth.army.mil/blog/blogs/coin/archive/2009/09/10/where-are-the-afghan-inglorious-bastards.aspx

USA and USMC Counterinsurgency Center Blog

WHERE ARE THE AFGHAN INGLORIOUS BASTARDS?

I was struck by a comment from an Army officer fighting the Taliban in Afghanistan. He said, “fighting these guys (the Taliban) is like fighting the Marines.” I want to know who is training those guys, and where can we get them because without air support, artillery, armoured vehicles or large training centers, they seem to be getting pretty impressive results on the cheap.

There are a few facts and questions that we need to address honestly in an “understanding the environment” way before we can go on. We need to be honest with ourselves before we move forward because platitudes and slogans won’t win the COIN fight.

Here are some hard questions we need to ask:

We learn from Afghan/Pashtun culture that one of the basic tenants of “Pashtun Wali” (way of the Pashtun) is “Badal” (revenge). Logic dictates that if we kill one Afghan, we make 10 enemies. Where are the slighted Afghans that have been grieved by the Taliban who are thirsting for revenge or does this only work against us?

We know that the Taliban are not one monolithic group, but several small groups each with their own goals and area of operations. That is a weakness that begs to be exploited. We know that they have village auxiliaries who support hard corps fighters who travel around in groups from 10 – 50. History also shows that from the 1940’s the Afghans were quite adept at infiltrating insurgents into the Pakistan’s FATA in order to instigate trouble. We know that part of COIN theory speaks of denying sanctuary to the insurgents. Afghan forces are more welcome and can operate more freely than Western troops. So, where are those Afghan Inglorious Bastards? Where are the small bands of Government of Afghanistan fighters operating on foot in Taliban safe havens, mixing with the people, getting intelligence, denying the Taliban that safe haven, ambushing Taliban groups, (with coalition backup) giving them no respite, taking away their feeling of invulnerability and exacerbating mistrust between Taliban groups? Where is the Afghan version of the “Les Commandos Tigres Noir,” (The Black Tigers), a group of former Viet-minh who under the leadership of Sergeant-Major Roger Vanenberghe in 1952 Indo China dressed in black uniforms and brought the fight to the insurgents and captured one of their command-posts?

We also know that the Taliban are very good at setting up roadblocks to collect taxes and control the population. Roadblocks, were used effectively to prevent voting materials getting distributed in the 20 Aug elections and also to prevent Afghans from voting. They are also quite effective at preventing IOs, NGOs and Afghan civil servants from getting out and working with the people. Where are the undercover Afghan Inglorious Bastards, who roll down the road in an old truck either armed to the teeth or armed with radios that talk to a trailing UAV or Attack Helicopter or follow-on truck full of undercover hard men? If a few of these check points were hit, the Taliban or local criminals might be less inclined to use them. This tactic was used quite effectively by Canadian troops in Somalia. Why aren’t we seeing it in Afghanistan?

These are not hi-tech, complicated solutions, but they could be effective. If we can’t find the Afghan Inglorious Bastards and figure out why criminals without money, air support, artillery, armoured vehicles or large training centers can be compared to the Marines, we will never win this fight. We need to ask tough questions and stop making up the answers that please us.

LCol JJ Malevich, Canadian Exchange Officer, COIN Branch Chief US Army/ USMC Counter Insurgency Center [emphasis added].

Mark
Ottawa
 
They are also quite effective at preventing IOs, NGOs and Afghan civil servants from getting out and working with the people. Where are the undercover Afghan Inglorious Bastards, who roll down the road in an old truck either armed to the teeth or armed with radios that talk to a trailing UAV or Attack Helicopter or follow-on truck full of undercover hard men? If a few of these check points were hit, the Taliban or local criminals might be less inclined to use them. This tactic was used quite effectively by Canadian troops in Somalia. Why aren’t we seeing it in Afghanistan?

Because we, the collective West, have become so risk avoidance prone that nothing that can be construed as unfair/controversial/not cricket that upper-upper won't let it happen. This is where future combat leaders of the Afghan community have to step in....to them it's fair game, but right now they have too much on their plate and little reason to risk the ultimate....
 
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