As the Democrats show, America lost its way long before Trump
The country is convulsing in an epidemic of mass-shootings, a recrudescence of white racism, and divisions as deep as the depths of the 1960s.
We’re all going to have wait another 15 months to learn whether Americans have had their fill of the depraved presidency of Donald J. Trump, and because there’s no telling what further damage he might yet do to the cause of liberal democracy in the world, or to democratic norms and civic decency in America itself, it’s going to seem like an eternity.
Here in Canada, we will have plenty of frivolous matters to concern ourselves with in the 10 weeks that remain before we go to the polls, and plenty of opportunity to be amused by the occasional exertions our party leaders make in their efforts to convince us all that the choice we make on Oct. 21 will somehow matter to the course of global affairs. It won’t.
America’s afflictions, meanwhile, are chronic and debilitating. They did not begin with Trump, and they will not end on Nov. 3, 2020, but in the meantime there will be all sorts of opportunities to resort to the annoying Canadian habit of flattering ourselves by way of comparison to the American predicament. It’s like Tourette’s syndrome, and we’re especially susceptible to it now that our prime minister is the dashingly woke, tousle-haired Justin Trudeau.
But America’s problem is not just that its president is a louche bigot and something of a maniac, or that his most devoted constituencies tend to run along a spectrum that stretches well into the netherworld of the far right. It’s the opposition leadership, too, and it doesn’t help that the Democratic Party’s frontrunners embrace policies that would not be out of place among Canadian Liberals, New Democrats, Greens or even Conservatives.
In a survey of the contestants for the Democratic Party ticket and their various televised-debate performances, here’s the fervently liberal polemicist Peter Beinart, a journalism professor at the City University of New York, writing in the Atlantic: “It was almost as if these Democratic candidates were running for prime minister of Canada.” This was not intended as flattery.
It was intended to suggest that Canadian politicians can afford to be unserious in their detachment from the burdens of global responsibility [emphasis added], whereas contenders for the Oval Office office cannot be so frivolous. The Trump administration is cleaving to a balance-of-power strategy in its approach to China that is more suited to the 1930s. China, dangerously, is dead set against it. None of the Democratic front-runners have had anything of consequence to contribute to the debate about what to do.
“That might be okay if the United States were Canada,” writes Beinart. “But the next president will make decisions that could determine whether there’s a World War III.”
In the Washington Post, columnist Anne Applebaum has noticed the same thing about the Democratic candidates’ debates, in “the near-total absence of the rest of the world. There was no Europe, no China, no Venezuela. The glancing references to the Middle East mostly involved posturing about the past — specifically about how the candidates did or didn’t support the Iraq War more than 16 years ago.”
This might be explained by the awkwardness any leading Democrat would have to navigate in articulating any robust critique of a president whose foreign trade policies meet or exceed the anti-globalization rhetoric that animated the Democratic Party’s liberal-left activists over the past quarter of a century. And Trump is every bit as isolationist as any of the “anti-war” blowhards in the Democratic Party’s élite constituencies.
If the last refuge of a scoundrel is patriotism, pacifism must be the second-to-last. For all the gargoyles the Trump administration has attracted to itself, you would be hard-pressed to identify anyone as morally unhygienic as the glamorous Democratic Party ticket contender Tulsi Gabbard, whose excuse-making for the fascist mass-murderer Bashar Assad has until recently gone almost unnoticed. That’s to say nothing of her support for Trump’s attempts at restricting Muslim immigration, or the support she’s garnered from Russian diplomats and the 9/11-conspiracy fringe. Just because Republicans have been happy to point out these unpleasant facts about Gabbard does not make them untrue.
It is as if Trump’s leading and loudest detractors are afflicted by some strange Pavlovian malady. If Trump were to depart from demonizing Muslims and Mexicans for a moment and say something about the sky being blue, you can count on it, the New York Times and the Washington Post would be pleased to disabuse the American public of the notion. You’d be reading opeds arguing that the sky is rather more violet, and only seems to be blue because of the way sunlight enters Earth’s upper atmosphere.
In one of those Twitter eruptions that nowadays punctuate the erratic flow of American political discourse, just the other day Trump singled out, in his customarily ugly way, the dubiously credentialed civil rights celebrity Al Sharpton. Without an ear for irony, in the same statement confessing a 25-year friendship with Sharpton, Trump called him a con man and a troublemaker, “always looking for a score … Hates Whites & Cops!”
Straight away, the leading Democratic Party ticket contender Joe Biden, the former vice-president, rushed to Sharpton’s defence, calling him “a champion in the fight for civil rights.” Other contenders weighed in similarly blasting Trump’s comments as racist. California Sen. Kamala Harris declared that Sharpton “has spent his life fighting for what’s right and working to improve our nation,” and Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren claimed Sharpton has “dedicated his life to the fight for justice for all.”
These résumé embellishments leave out a more sordid history of Sharpton’s pandering to anti-semitic hysteria and his descents into mob-incitement, not least the deadly 1991 riots in Crown Heights, Brooklyn, which were as close as recent American history comes to anti-Jewish pogroms.
America is in the throes of a debilitating culture war. The country is mired in the abyss of chronic gun-violence that only a constitutional amendment could come close to addressing – and which nobody expects will be possible. It’s a country convulsing in an epidemic of mass-shootings, a recrudescence of white racism, and divisions as deep as the depths of the 1960s. It’s true that Trump has pandered to racists in his deranged alarms about an “invasion” on the Mexican border. But it’s also true that asylum claims from the United States’ southern frontiers have more than doubled in the past four years, the courts have introduced unmanageable complexity into the American asylum system, and more than half a million people have been apprehended crossing the border so far this year, exceeding the annual figures for the past five years.
The international liberal-democratic order will offer up hosannas if Trump is evicted from the White House next year, but the America that was once a beacon of hope to the unfree and the persecuted around the world is already gone. It was gone before Trump. And there’s no telling whether that America will ever return again.