What’s going on here, is that a Trudeau lookalike or what.
Sikh & India (Alleged) Shenanigans in Canada (split fm Non-Muslim terr thread)
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Michael Higgins in the National Post.
And if Trudeau is having difficulty bringing Joly along with him.....
I note also
torontosun.com
And if Trudeau is having difficulty bringing Joly along with him.....
I note also
Former Liberal deputy PM says Trudeau should quit, cites 'Seinfeld rule'
Justin Trudeau should adhere to the "Seinfeld rule" and not run in the next federal election, a former Liberal deputy prime minister said.
torontosun.com
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Just a clip of some cowboy (not JT) noting the job (drawing attention away from China’s interference) got done…
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Finest hour?Michael Higgins in the National Post.
And if Trudeau is having difficulty bringing Joly along with him.....
I note also
Former Liberal deputy PM says Trudeau should quit, cites 'Seinfeld rule'
Justin Trudeau should adhere to the "Seinfeld rule" and not run in the next federal election, a former Liberal deputy prime minister said.
More like Trudeau as Chamberlain, not Churchill, except he’s telling us that he talked to Xi, not Hitler, and he has assurances that there’s nothing untoward…
Haggis
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I thought it was another failed costume attempt by JT.
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Understandable…there are so many…
OldSolduer
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I’ve jotted down a few thoughts and will share later.
RangerRay
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Opinion: Has the Trudeau government been as derelict on India’s interference as it has been on China’s?
The Prime Minister is right to listen to the intelligence about what India’s government has been up to in Canada. How much better if he had done so six years ago
www.theglobeandmail.com
I agree with Coyne on the first instance and disagree with him on the second. The egregious thing of this whole fiasco is the government kyboshed a CSIS interruption operation on Indian intelligence operations here. But I still think the public inquiry needs to focus on Beijing’s operations here since they are so interwoven into our politics at all levels here.
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Unless someone in the political brain trust thought it was better to get out ahead of the story so it wouldn't be used to pummel Team Red Ottawa over the head. Guess that's why it happened like it did.
One version I've read (more) is that PP refused to be briefed on what the Johnson "probe" found, but he didn't want to get trapped into "we'll show you, but you can't say anything" rules of engagement.
Also, a reminder: Globe's Robert Fife was said to be ready to go, according to a podcast interview earlier this week ...
/cloudfront-us-east-1.images.arcpublishing.com/tgam/GHQ5WM2SKJDSDH53LMIWUHHUSA.png)
Trudeau accuses India of involvement in Canadian’s murder
On Monday, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau alleged that there was ‘credible intelligence’ suggesting that the Indian government was involved in Hardeep Singh Nijjar’s death
www.theglobeandmail.com
OldSolduer
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Hear me out.
China nor Pakistan have any love for The West and even less for India.
What if Pakistan was behind this? Perhaps with China’s “wink and a nudge”.
Where are the assassins? Either in their home country or met the same fate as their victim…
What’s the motive? To promote discord between the West and India so China profits.
Only a theory. No facts to support it.
China nor Pakistan have any love for The West and even less for India.
What if Pakistan was behind this? Perhaps with China’s “wink and a nudge”.
Where are the assassins? Either in their home country or met the same fate as their victim…
What’s the motive? To promote discord between the West and India so China profits.
Only a theory. No facts to support it.
gryphonv
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Honestly I think it boils down to nations don't fear or respect us, and know even when they are caught red handed doing something wrong, out 'allies' won't do anything significant to support us.
Recently they seen this play out in real time with the reprisals China did against us and the US largely standing on the sideline doing nothing , while they themselves put us in that situation.
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I’m guessing that the GoC has a lot of evidence. I’m further guessing the evidence is via SI Elint, and 5E related.
So it’s not going to be available for public release.
OldSolduer
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Like I said I have zero evidence. It’s just a theory.
Perhaps the very senior levels of the Indian government were unaware of the plot.
FSTO
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We as a nation need to grow the hell up and look outside of our broken glass house. We are footnote of irrelevance.
From the G&M
/cloudfront-us-east-1.images.arcpublishing.com/tgam/NNGAXOJSEBDBHJYXF2RIU43SPY.JPG)
www.theglobeandmail.com
Omer Aziz is a former foreign policy adviser in the government of Justin Trudeau and the author of Brown Boy: A Memoir.
When Prime Minister Justin Trudeau stood up in the House of Commons on Monday and made the unprecedented allegation that “agents of the government of India” assassinated a Canadian citizen on Canadian soil, I cannot say I was surprised. It was a brazen and violent encroachment upon Canadian sovereignty, done in public, meant to be discovered, and over one of the issues that the Indian government of Narendra Modi takes most seriously.
I should know. In 2017, I was the Policy Advisor in the Foreign Minister’s office, working closely with the Prime Minister’s Office on India. From the first briefing, it was clear that India-Canada relations were headed in the wrong direction. There had been rumours of Indian intelligence services operating in the Canadian suburbs for years (along with others). The Indians counter-alleged that Canada was giving shelter, if not encouragement, to Khalistani extremists – supporters of an independent Sikh homeland, partitioned out of India. Sikhs in Canada, meanwhile, have likened the Indian government’s violence against them to genocide. The two sides had been talking past each other for years.
The sore point in this, which young Canadians have no memory of, is the tragic Air India bombing of 1985. Until 9/11, this was the worst act of terrorism in the sky, whereby Sikh extremists planted a bomb on an Air India flight, resulting in the deaths of 329 passengers and crew.
By the time I served in government in 2017, two things had recently – and radically – changed. First was the election of Mr. Modi in 2014, and his Hindutva politics. Mr. Modi’s ideology sees India as a primarily Hindu nation, and it stokes ethnic chauvinism and grievance against anyone who dares criticize it. Mr. Modi was a strongman, and would no longer take lecturing from Canada.
The second factor was the election of Donald Trump, which moved everyone’s attention and focus to Washington dramas. India, meanwhile, had gone fully nationalist by this point. Since coming into office, Mr. Modi has silenced critics, targeted Muslims, locked up political opponents, and rewritten the Indian curriculum to blot out India’s syncretic history. Mr. Modi has rolled back India’s democracy, and remains an ally of India’s far-right. When I met with India’s greatest economist, Amartya Sen, last fall, he warned me that the regime was getting worse. There can be no doubt that Mr. Modi has used state violence against minorities in frightening and authoritarian ways.
Over the years, the politics of this issue in Canada had also grown more difficult. There are some 770,000 Sikhs in Canada, one of the most politically organized communities in the country. Canadian Sikhs have kept the issue of Sikh justice on the agenda by continually advocating and pressuring politicians. Because foreign policy in a democracy is ultimately informed by domestic public opinion, the Sikh issue has an enlarged influence on our bilateral relations with India. It came up in every meeting, in every talking point, in every pull-aside. Unfortunately, Canadian politicians then didn’t care enough about either Sikhs or India to give this the policy attention it deserved.
By 2017, when I worked in government, India did not take Mr. Trudeau or Canada seriously. They viewed Canada as a bit player in world affairs, America’s loud-mouthed neighbour. In Ottawa, at least in my experience, officials did not respect India, either – to our peril. Canada’s political establishment is old and white, and infused with an ignorant Eurocentrism that still affects foreign policy priorities. Western Europe and the United States were our focus, and some ministers could hardly see beyond London or Berlin. There’s a reason why, along with India, relations with China, with Latin American countries, with much of Africa have deteriorated. It was a great abdication of our long-term priorities, given where we have ended up.
When Mr. Trudeau went to India in 2018, the trip became a debacle for Canada. Mr. Modi did not greet him on the tarmac, Mr. Trudeau got a chilly reception in general, and the PMO was put on its heels after it was reported that Jaspal Atwal – a Khalistan supporter once convicted of trying to kill an Indian cabinet minister, had been invited to two receptions during Mr. Trudeau’s visit.
Canada should have at least begun to take steps to ensure our land was not used for terrorist financing – a reasonable demand, given that the overwhelming number of Canadian Sikhs are peaceful and uninterested in using violence to create a separate Sikh homeland. (Coincidentally, Khalistan is almost entirely a diaspora issue; there is little organized support, even among Sikhs in India, for a separate homeland.) By taking goodwill measures, it would have at least been possible to keep talking and find workable policy solutions. The only problem was, Mr. Trudeau did not want to lose the Sikh vote to Jagmeet Singh. So we dug in our heels.
What I saw in government was how Canada’s ethnic domestic battles were distorting our long-term foreign policy priorities, and politicians, who never understood South Asia or India anyway, were pandering in lowest-common-denominator ways in B.C. and Ontario suburbs, and playing up ethnic grievances to win votes. This was especially true within internal Liberal Party politics, meaning that we could hardly focus on foreign policy and strategy without factoring in which ridings might be lost because a certain group might be upset. Canada, as a country, has suffered great reputational damage by such thinking – and none of our allies are going to come to our help on this issue.
Not that Mr. Modi would have necessarily been a great friend to Canada. In my research on right-wing nationalist regimes, it is apparent that governments pursuing state violence internally – against minorities, against critics – will ultimately pursue such aggression externally. It is why the rise of the new authoritarians is so destabilizing for the world order. But Canada ultimately got the worst of all possible deals – nearly ruptured relations with India, and now a potential split in the Western alliance.
The global chessboard is shifting. The United States is strengthening its Asia alliances, something we could and should have been doing six years ago. The new influential club is the Quad – the U.S., Japan, Australia, and India. Canada is not part of it. At the G20, Canada is demeaned. The world powers will eventually face the contradiction between Mr. Modi’s Hindu nationalist regime and his foreign policy influence. What’s worrying is that Canada isn’t even at the table where those decisions are being made.
We have entered a critical period in world affairs. Major realignments are taking place – and now the murder of a Canadian citizen, allegedly carried out with the knowledge if not support of another country, could go many different ways. It is imperative the investigation continues, that its findings are made public, and that Canada seeks de-escalation with India. Canada may never be a major power in international affairs. But it can still be a serious one.
From the G&M
Opinion: The real reasons Canada’s relationship with India is broken
What I saw in government was how Canada’s ethnic domestic battles were distorting our long-term foreign policy priorities
www.theglobeandmail.com
Omer Aziz is a former foreign policy adviser in the government of Justin Trudeau and the author of Brown Boy: A Memoir.
When Prime Minister Justin Trudeau stood up in the House of Commons on Monday and made the unprecedented allegation that “agents of the government of India” assassinated a Canadian citizen on Canadian soil, I cannot say I was surprised. It was a brazen and violent encroachment upon Canadian sovereignty, done in public, meant to be discovered, and over one of the issues that the Indian government of Narendra Modi takes most seriously.
I should know. In 2017, I was the Policy Advisor in the Foreign Minister’s office, working closely with the Prime Minister’s Office on India. From the first briefing, it was clear that India-Canada relations were headed in the wrong direction. There had been rumours of Indian intelligence services operating in the Canadian suburbs for years (along with others). The Indians counter-alleged that Canada was giving shelter, if not encouragement, to Khalistani extremists – supporters of an independent Sikh homeland, partitioned out of India. Sikhs in Canada, meanwhile, have likened the Indian government’s violence against them to genocide. The two sides had been talking past each other for years.
The sore point in this, which young Canadians have no memory of, is the tragic Air India bombing of 1985. Until 9/11, this was the worst act of terrorism in the sky, whereby Sikh extremists planted a bomb on an Air India flight, resulting in the deaths of 329 passengers and crew.
By the time I served in government in 2017, two things had recently – and radically – changed. First was the election of Mr. Modi in 2014, and his Hindutva politics. Mr. Modi’s ideology sees India as a primarily Hindu nation, and it stokes ethnic chauvinism and grievance against anyone who dares criticize it. Mr. Modi was a strongman, and would no longer take lecturing from Canada.
The second factor was the election of Donald Trump, which moved everyone’s attention and focus to Washington dramas. India, meanwhile, had gone fully nationalist by this point. Since coming into office, Mr. Modi has silenced critics, targeted Muslims, locked up political opponents, and rewritten the Indian curriculum to blot out India’s syncretic history. Mr. Modi has rolled back India’s democracy, and remains an ally of India’s far-right. When I met with India’s greatest economist, Amartya Sen, last fall, he warned me that the regime was getting worse. There can be no doubt that Mr. Modi has used state violence against minorities in frightening and authoritarian ways.
Over the years, the politics of this issue in Canada had also grown more difficult. There are some 770,000 Sikhs in Canada, one of the most politically organized communities in the country. Canadian Sikhs have kept the issue of Sikh justice on the agenda by continually advocating and pressuring politicians. Because foreign policy in a democracy is ultimately informed by domestic public opinion, the Sikh issue has an enlarged influence on our bilateral relations with India. It came up in every meeting, in every talking point, in every pull-aside. Unfortunately, Canadian politicians then didn’t care enough about either Sikhs or India to give this the policy attention it deserved.
By 2017, when I worked in government, India did not take Mr. Trudeau or Canada seriously. They viewed Canada as a bit player in world affairs, America’s loud-mouthed neighbour. In Ottawa, at least in my experience, officials did not respect India, either – to our peril. Canada’s political establishment is old and white, and infused with an ignorant Eurocentrism that still affects foreign policy priorities. Western Europe and the United States were our focus, and some ministers could hardly see beyond London or Berlin. There’s a reason why, along with India, relations with China, with Latin American countries, with much of Africa have deteriorated. It was a great abdication of our long-term priorities, given where we have ended up.
When Mr. Trudeau went to India in 2018, the trip became a debacle for Canada. Mr. Modi did not greet him on the tarmac, Mr. Trudeau got a chilly reception in general, and the PMO was put on its heels after it was reported that Jaspal Atwal – a Khalistan supporter once convicted of trying to kill an Indian cabinet minister, had been invited to two receptions during Mr. Trudeau’s visit.
Canada should have at least begun to take steps to ensure our land was not used for terrorist financing – a reasonable demand, given that the overwhelming number of Canadian Sikhs are peaceful and uninterested in using violence to create a separate Sikh homeland. (Coincidentally, Khalistan is almost entirely a diaspora issue; there is little organized support, even among Sikhs in India, for a separate homeland.) By taking goodwill measures, it would have at least been possible to keep talking and find workable policy solutions. The only problem was, Mr. Trudeau did not want to lose the Sikh vote to Jagmeet Singh. So we dug in our heels.
What I saw in government was how Canada’s ethnic domestic battles were distorting our long-term foreign policy priorities, and politicians, who never understood South Asia or India anyway, were pandering in lowest-common-denominator ways in B.C. and Ontario suburbs, and playing up ethnic grievances to win votes. This was especially true within internal Liberal Party politics, meaning that we could hardly focus on foreign policy and strategy without factoring in which ridings might be lost because a certain group might be upset. Canada, as a country, has suffered great reputational damage by such thinking – and none of our allies are going to come to our help on this issue.
Not that Mr. Modi would have necessarily been a great friend to Canada. In my research on right-wing nationalist regimes, it is apparent that governments pursuing state violence internally – against minorities, against critics – will ultimately pursue such aggression externally. It is why the rise of the new authoritarians is so destabilizing for the world order. But Canada ultimately got the worst of all possible deals – nearly ruptured relations with India, and now a potential split in the Western alliance.
The global chessboard is shifting. The United States is strengthening its Asia alliances, something we could and should have been doing six years ago. The new influential club is the Quad – the U.S., Japan, Australia, and India. Canada is not part of it. At the G20, Canada is demeaned. The world powers will eventually face the contradiction between Mr. Modi’s Hindu nationalist regime and his foreign policy influence. What’s worrying is that Canada isn’t even at the table where those decisions are being made.
We have entered a critical period in world affairs. Major realignments are taking place – and now the murder of a Canadian citizen, allegedly carried out with the knowledge if not support of another country, could go many different ways. It is imperative the investigation continues, that its findings are made public, and that Canada seeks de-escalation with India. Canada may never be a major power in international affairs. But it can still be a serious one.
Eaglelord17
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The only thing Canada provides internationally of relevance is resources, which we have done our best over the last decade to reduce. Like when Japan and Europe was asking for natural gas to reduce reliance on Russia and we said go cold.
Our military is weak. We don’t side with our allies when we might have to pay or it doesn’t suit our domestic politics at that particular moment (even if better for the long term). Our economy is reliant on other nations for just about everything. We like to talk a big game but as time progresses that means less and less without investment into what can potentially make us a big player.
Our military is weak. We don’t side with our allies when we might have to pay or it doesn’t suit our domestic politics at that particular moment (even if better for the long term). Our economy is reliant on other nations for just about everything. We like to talk a big game but as time progresses that means less and less without investment into what can potentially make us a big player.
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First of all, Trudeau has to see Canada as a nation, as a state, inhabiting a country, with interests. His post-national urges seem to see Canada as gentler, kinder Antarctica - a territory belonging to all and to none.
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No, he sees Canada as his Fiefdom, secondly, a Liberal Party of Canada Fiefdom.
To repeat myself:
I don't trust Trudeau one bit. I think this all about changing the discussion, getting votes from a community and staying in power. To hell with Canada; it's the Liberal way.
It is all a calculated act. Trudeau's last trip to India where he rebuffed Moti, childishly refused to attend the closing dinner was Act 1.
Act II was Monday in the HofC.
Act III is his refusal to release evidence which keeps him in stage lights.
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R62, I think you can shift those acts all one to the right.
One could make the case that Act 1 was Trudeau shutting down CSIS’ efforts in 2017 to map out and provide countermeasures to the Kalistani Sikh militant structure in Canada.
OldSolduer
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I’ll be characteristically cynical and posit that it was Trudeau’s own doing, primarily for votes and the support of the relatively significant Sikh diaspora in Canada (largest global Sikh population outside India).
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