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Making Canada Relevant Again- The Economic Super-Thread

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Or you could just write to all your friends in the states  ;)

Canada did use government agencies to bring in the last great wave of immigration in the late 1800's early 1900's, so there is a precedent there. You do have to wonder how the word gets out to 200,000 people in India, China, Lower Togoland etc. that Canada is wide open without overt action by government "settlement agents".

There is nothing wrong with companies putting out "help wanted" ads in US publications or web sites, and if the situation is desperate for labour, they will do what it takes without waiting for some government bureaucrat or agency to vet the ad for English/French content, posting to under represented groups or any other number of considerations dear to the bureaucratic heart.

The real action needs to take place in terms of the government identifying and fast tracking potential immigrants who fulfill needs in the Canadian labour market.
 
While resources may be a "fools game" in the long run, in the short term it is probably what we will need to generate wealth to pay down the debt and unfunded pension liabilities (totalling $ 1 trillion Cdn). Saskatchewan seems idealy situated to become the new economic center of Canda according to this report, and with the business friendly Saskatchewan Party in office I can see a flood of investment and economic growth in the coming years:

http://oakshirefinancial.com/2012/02/22/energy-investing-in-saskatchewan/

Energy Investing in Saskatchewan
02/22/12 by Guest Contributor 
Filed under Bourbon & Bayonets
   
Tom MacNeill doesn’t have to go far to find the most unique early-stage energy companies to invest in. The President and CEO of Saskatchewan-based investment firm 49 North Resources, MacNeill is bullish on his own backyard, and says of the province’s resources, “You name it, we’ve got it.” In this exclusive interview with The Energy Report, he explains why Saskatchewan resource plays trump their Alberta or Ontario counterparts.

The Energy Report: Even some of the most successful small-cap resource investors were schooled in 2011. What did you learn from last year’s ups and downs?

Tom MacNeill: We were definitely reminded of the nature of resource investments. Liquidity absolutely vanished in 2008, but by the time it reappeared in 2009 and 2010, investors had decided they wanted to keep their hands on their cash. Oil entered and exited 2011 at roughly the same price, but at times it had been much higher and much lower. That spooked investors. It became evident that most of the investors who were still comfortable with equity investments preferred dividend paying structures. It’s been a very edgy time.

We were reminded that investors were walking on thin ice. The companies that stepped up and started increasing distributions from their oil and gas production were well served. Those that did not, were not. There’s been a bifurcation in the market. The entire capped energy index is down relative to most of the broader indexes for the simple reason that investors were withdrawing money from the sector even though one barrel (bbl) of oil was about $100 throughout the year.

TER: Will the legacy of 2011 be the split between those companies that brought in dividends and those that didn’t?

TM: It’s one of the legacies. A lot of companies die in the aftermath of an event like the 2008 downturn. However, not enough undeserving companies died off because they had just completed financings and had millions of dollars in their treasuries that enabled them to weather the storm. We didn’t have enough of a rout.

Going into 2011, there were still a bunch of these Johnny-come-latelies and investors got wise. They started to watch the burn rate and what management was doing. It was a wakeup call. It was a really bad year in ’08, it was OK in ’09 and ’10, and then ’11 leveled as investors became objective. I believe that investors are more objective this year than they have been in five years.

TER: Your company doesn’t just invest in resource companies, it also instills management teams and brings in consultants with specific expertise. It’s an investor and a partner.

TM: We’ve had to be a little bit of everything within 49 North. We act as in-house management for developing companies. We provide seed capital and later-stage capital. We’ve got 25-plus of the best geoscientists in Saskatchewan on staff in one of our subsidiary companies, Northrim Exploration Ltd. That enterprise works with most of the senior players working in the province developing potash, oil and gas, and other sedimentary resources and is moving into hard rock mining consultation. We also have substantial connections within the junior resource capital market and investment banking community worldwide.

We had to develop it that way for the simple reason that we had no capital market in Saskatchewan. Where government used to hold business back, it is now very supportive. The resource business is now wide open. It’s a tremendous opportunity for us, and anybody who wants to invest in the province, because it’s like Alberta was in the ’40s and ’50s.

TER: Saskatchewan certainly shares some of the same commodities with Alberta.

TM: We view ourselves as much better off than Alberta from a geological perspective. The Western Canadian Sedimentary Basin overlays almost all of Alberta, meaning there’s really no hard rock mining with the exception of some coal mining and some other assets in the Rockies. Alberta is very much an “energy only” resource province.

Saskatchewan is the opposite. The sedimentary basin covers the southern half, but the northern half is exposed Precambrian shield. We’ve got all of the mining prospectivity and assets that you would find in Ontario and other hard rock jurisdictions, plus all of the oil and gas that you find in Alberta, and a sea of potash and other natural resources. You name it, we’ve got it. The neatest part is that it’s mostly still in the ground. There are 27 active mines in the province, but we should have a multiple of that given our resource base.

TER: How long do you think it will take you to get to that point?

TM: We have just begun, but it is moving fast. There is $15 billion (B) worth of capital committed already to expansion in the potash industry, not including capital commitments from BHP Billiton Ltd. (BHP:NYSE; BHPLF:OTCPK), which is moving into the final feasibility stage of its 8 million tons (Mt) per annum potash mine at Jansen Lake. When mining is combined with our exponential growth in energy development I expect that $15B will double or triple in the next 5-10 years.

One new gold mine just came on-stream this past year. There are three others that are prospective in the Greenstone Belt in northern Saskatchewan. There’s a potential rare earth elements deposit that’s near development. In the next 10 years, at least 10–20 mining operations should reach feasibility in the province.

TER: One commodity that Saskatchewan is well known for is uranium. The Athabasca Basin is one of the richest areas for uranium in the world. In a 2010 interview with The Gold Report, you told us that you had mostly purged uranium from 49 North Resources’ portfolio and wouldn’t get back in until it was “time.” Is it time yet?

TM: The comments I made were based on a couple of observations. There was a physical price spike in 2006 due to uranium speculators. It created a parabolic price chart, so we knew that the price of uranium was going to come off. When that happens, all of the junior explorers get crucified. We took that time to exit our positions.

We’ve been diligently watching the uranium price chart and energy complex in general and view this year as the time to be taking positions. Uranium stocks have been beaten up. That’s the time when we get involved in projects and we’re actively pursuing more than what we have on the books right now.

We’ve got a significant investment in Unity Energy Corp. (UTY:CVE), which is an early-stage explorer in the same area as Hathor Exploration Ltd.’s (HAT:TSX.V) RoughRider deposit and the area were Fission Energy Corp. (FIS:TSX.V; FSSIF:OTCQX) is exploring. Also we have been accumulating a large position in Eagle Plains Resources. They have substantial landholdings in the Athabasca basin in Saskatchewan and recently announced a high-grade uranium discovery on their property near the Rabbit and Cigar lake mines.

TER: Tell us about Unity.

TM: It’s in the early stages of a promising exploration program having done the geophysical work necessary to advance their package of properties. We hold approximately 12% of Unity. Given that initial results have been very encouraging, we will likely be expanding our exposure shortly.

TER: What’s the earliest that Unity would have a resource estimate?

TM: They are at a very early stage in the exploration cycle so the earliest would likely be at least 2-3 years. Investors need to realize uranium exploration takes time, is expensive and if you want good science you can’t rush the process. This is a long-term investment, as all uranium exploration plays are.

TER: What macroeconomic trends are going to continue to drive energy commodities?

TM: Oil acts a lot like gold in that it’s a good parking lot for rampant money printing in the U.S. One thing that can quell inflation in the short term is a high oil price since it slops up many of the newly printed dollar bills in an asset that is used almost immediatly. This seems counter-intuitive, but it takes time for the inflationary effect of high oil prices to bleed into higher asset prices. So in the short term, it actually helps the money printers because all over the world, oil is traded in U.S. currency, thus distributing the new liquidity worldwide. The U.S. is the only country with this advantage, which creates some ironic economic activity that investors should pay attention to. As long as the U.S. keeps printing money, there’s going to be a high oil price. If the liquidity being added actually creates economic development, there will be rampant inflation. Usually that’s a tap that can’t be turned off, which could lead to much higher oil and gold prices. We view the coming five-year period as very interesting and probably very lucrative for resource investors, especially in gold and energy.

TER: What energy commodities are you most bullish on this year?

TM: We’re focusing on heavy oil and coal (for conversion to crude oil), but our backyard is unique. There are 20–40 billion barrels (Bbbl) of heavy oil in place in west central Saskatchewan. There are also staggering quantities of light oil as well in Saskatchewan, but I’m not as interested in that. Everyone knows about the Bakken shale and other tight light oil plays now being developed using modern multi-staged fracturing but very few follow heavy oil development.

My interest is tied to the recycle ratio, which is the net profit/bbl divided by acquisition and development costs/bbl. The ratio for light oil in Saskatchewan averages somewhere around two, meaning if a company puts $1 million (M) into acquiring and developing an average well, it will get $2M out of it. But heavy oil in Saskatchewan can have a recycle ratio as high as five.

That’s not true of everywhere in the world. We have two heavy oil upgraders in Saskatchewan that have been consistently adding capacity so we’ve got a real blessing here in that we can develop our heavy oil fields and achieve higher netbacks than elsewhere because of that very unique refining capacity in our backyard.

TER: What are some of the companies benefiting from that?

TM: Most of the companies that are developing these heavy oil assets that are in production are very large already and beyond our scope, such as Canadian Natural Resources LTD. (CNQ;TSX) and Baytex Energy Corp. (BTE.UN:TSX). We’re sponsoring private companies in this space. However, Baytex is coming up with ingeneous ways to drill multiple lateral wells from one drill pad and get enormous production out of thin-formation, heavy oil projects. They also pay a pretty decent dividend yield as well. That’s the kind of story we’re looking for, but we’re looking for it at a very early stage when a company has a prospective heavy oil development field and is investing its first $1–5M in the project.

TER: Are any of your private oil plays expected to go public?

TM: Probably. Allstar Energy Ltd., in west central Saskatchewan, is a light oil producer that is converting into a heavy oil producer as well. We’ve actually taken that one in-house and made it a subsidiary company. Had the capital markets been a little bit more buoyant over the last nine months, we might have entertained taking that company public sometime last year. At some point, given it’s growth potential, its capital needs will outstrip our ability to supply it and we’ll have to take the training wheels off and take it public. That could be in 2012 or 2013 depending on how development goes.

We also sponsor Admiralty Oil Ltd., a very early-stage light oil development in southeastern Saskatchewan. It will probably go public if it has some success this year.

TER: You said you are bullish on coal. What are some of your holdings in that space?

TM: There are two that we really like, which are both developing coal-to-liquid technology. We view coal as just another long carbon chain that can be converted into a shorter carbon chain to make heavy crude. These two enterprises are going about it in different ways.
NuCoal, a private company in southern Saskatchewan, will use full gasification to convert coal into transportation fuels at the mine site. It’s a multibillion-dollar project. The company has control of one of the largest coal resources in the world and it could possibly go public sometime in the next 12–18 months.

Westcore Energy Ltd. (WTR:TSX.V), which we have an approximate 25% stake in, has a significant thermal coal resource that it’s developing on the Saskatchewan-Manitoba border. It is working with Quantex Energy in Calgary, which has a proprietary technology developed at the University of West Virginia. Quantex tested some of Westcore’s coal and determined that it’s perfectly adequate for converting into heavy or light crude depending on the extent of processing.

Westcore is currently starting its winter drilling exploration program. It already has at least seven defined targets that have hit intersections as thick as 100 meters (m) of coal, which is absolutely enormous. It’s conservative to estimate that those intersections average 50Mt/coal, which could mean that the company has at least 300Mt/coal in one small area. That’s world class. It appears it will cost about $40-50/bbl of oil for the conversion technology. It will probably cost approximately $200M to build an initial 10,000 bbl/day conversion facility. Given that the process appears to convert coal to heavy crude at a ratio of 3-4 bbl crude from each ton of coal, there’s an almost endless potential supply of heavy crude oil for the refiners in Saskatchewan. Now that is an exciting energy story.

TER: It does sound exciting. Is the process by which they turn coal into heavy oil similar to what’s happening in the oil sands where they steam the bitumen to separate the oil from the sand and gravel?

TM: That’s a liberating technique using steam to get the bitumen. Then the bitumen is processed through hydrocracking, which involves heating up the bitumen under pressure with catalysts to separate it by strata into various elements. The lights float to the top of the column and the heavy stuff stays at the bottom, leaving five or six different strata. These synthetic crude products are then piped to refineries for further processing. The NuCoal project is similar to that in that it uses similar full-scale gasification technology but with the intention of the plant refining all the way to the transportation fuel level right on site.

The Westcore/Quantex route involves using a low-temperature direct liquefaction process. It adds some proprietary chemicals to the coal once it’s emulsified and converts it into heavy crude. The beauty is that the process does not leave much of a greenhouse gas footprint at the mine/processing site because most of the carbon dioxide and other problematic gases that would be emitted stay in the heavy crude and go to the refinery. The exciting part about low temperature conversion is its scale-ability with initial capital cost of probably one tenth that of full-scale gasification.
Both companies have viable approaches; they are simply on opposite ends of the development spectrum. One has low capital cost with smaller initial production while the other has large capital requirements at startup and therefore large initial output. At these energy prices we believe both approaches will be robustly economic.

TER: Once it’s converted it goes to the refineries. Where does the oil go from there?

TM: It is channeled into the North American distribution system running from northern Alberta into a hub center near Chicago. It goes directly into the pipeline system that bisects Saskatchewan diagonally. That’s the beauty. We’re infrastructure laden because we’re in between the consumptive market in the eastern U.S. and the production of western Canadian oil sands and conventional producers in the Western Canadian Sedimentary Basin.

TER: Do you have some parting thoughts on the energy space?

TM: I’m curious to see what prices are going to do. We’re comfortable that the price of uranium has bottomed and that it’s likely a very long-term bottom. We got our feet wet last year in some of the early-stage investments we’ve made. We’re going a lot harder this year and repatriating capital back into projects that we like. There are lots of good opportunities out there within companies that have done poorly in this twitchy market but have good projects.

The energy space should be an exciting one. If the governments keep adding liquidity, the resulting competitive devaluation of currencies will be inflationary and good for commodity prices. Or perhaps the world is going to get a little bit better—also good for commodity prices. It’s a bit of a win-win situation over the next five years if investors are patient.

Investors have to make sure that they stick to certain criteria. Look at management first, not the project, because the best project in the world can be screwed up by bad management. A marginal project can be made wonderful by good management.

TER: Thanks, Tom.

Tom MacNeill is the founder, president and chief executive officer of 49 North Resources Inc., a Canadian resource investment company headquartered in Saskatchewan. As the first entity of its kind in the province’s history, 49 North is a pioneer in what is rapidly becoming one of the world’s most renowned resource jurisdictions. A graduate of the University of Saskatchewan (economics/geology), MacNeill is also a certified general accountant and holds a chartered financial analyst designation. MacNeill’s extensive knowledge of Canadian capital markets has been gained through experience as a management accountant within the mining industry, investment advisor with a major Canadian brokerage firm and chief financial officer of a Canadian trust corporation. He is a well-respected member of the resource industry and part of a worldwide network of exploration professionals and resource developers which enables him to source and structure projects.
 
Just in case we needed yet more proof that Dalton McGuinty is a blithering f_cking idiot who slept through Economics 101 we have this, which is reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the Globe and Mail:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/mcguinty-rebuffs-redfords-oil-sands-plea/article2351145/
McGuinty rebuffs Redford's oil-sands plea

KAREN HOWLETT

Globe and Mail Update
Published Monday, Feb. 27, 2012

Ontario Premier Dalton McGuinty has rebuffed Alberta Premier Alison Redford’s plea to publicly defend the oil sands, saying the high “petro” Canadian dollar has “knocked the wind” out of exporters in his province.

Ms. Redford, in Chicago for a few days talking up Alberta’s oil and gas industry, has said Mr. McGuinty needs to do his part to help tell her story: that Ontario’s economy is the second-largest beneficiary from the production of the gooey bitumen.

Mr. McGuinty flat out rejected that assertion, saying the harm caused by the high Canadian dollar relative to the U.S. greenback far outweighs any spin-off benefits Ontario might derive from Alberta’s oil and gas sector.

The value of the Canadian dollar has soared from just 67 cents in 2003 to over $1 last year, Mr. McGuinty told reporters on Monday. The “petro dollar,” he said, has been driven by global demand for oil and gas from Western Canada.

“That has knocked the wind out of Ontario exporters and manufacturing in particular,” Mr. McGuinty said. “So if I had my preferences as to whether we had a rapidly growing oil and gas sector in the West or a lower dollar, I’ll tell you where I stand: with the lower dollar.”

According to the Canadian Energy Research Institute, the province enjoys the lion’s share of oil-sands benefits outside Alberta. Between 2010 and 2035, Ontario is expected to see $63-billion in economic spinoffs and 65,520 oil-sands-related jobs.

Elsewhere in Ontario’s manufacturing heartland, thousands of jobs have been lost as companies pull up stakes and relocate to jurisdictions with lower costs. Ontario is facing a deficit of $16-billion this year.


Sadly I'll wager that a majority of Ontarians also believe (for the same reasons they believe in e.g. virgin birth, the tooth fairy and female genital mutilation) that a low dollar/no profitable energy sector is "good" for Canada. I except the Good Grey Globe's Jeffrey Simpson to chime in any moment now support Dimwit Dalton's views.

Ontario manufacturers should have been using the strong dollar to retool and rebuild with imported technology and boost their productivity - provincial governments, Tory and Liberal, should have been giving them tax breaks to do so, but Dismal Dalton would rather bitch about Alberta's energy boom.

It is to weep!
 
E.R. Campbell said:
Just in case we needed yet more proof that Dalton McGuinty is a blithering f_cking idiot who slept through Economics 101 we have this, which is reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the Globe and Mail:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/mcguinty-rebuffs-redfords-oil-sands-plea/article2351145/

Sadly I'll wager that a majority of Ontarians also believe (for the same reasons they believe in e.g. virgin birth, the tooth fairy and female genital mutilation) that a low dollar/no profitable energy sector is "good" for Canada. I except the Good Grey Globe's Jeffrey Simpson to chime in any moment now support Dimwit Dalton's views.

Ontario manufacturers should have been using the strong dollar to retool and rebuild with imported technology and boost their productivity - provincial governments, Tory and Liberal, should have been giving them tax breaks to do so, but Dismal Dalton would rather bitch about Alberta's energy boom.

It is to weep!


As to why McGuinty is a dimwit, see this article, which is reproduced under the fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the Globe and Mail:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/report-on-business/economy/economy-lab/stephen-gordon/memo-to-ontarios-dalton-mcguinty-strong-dollar-is-good-for-canada/article2352230/
Memo to Ontario's Dalton McGuinty: Strong dollar is good for Canada

STEPHEN GORDON

Globe and Mail Blog
Posted on Tuesday, February 28, 2012

Ontario Premier Dalton McGuinty has been reported as saying:

“[The high Canadian dollar] has knocked the wind out of Ontario exporters and manufacturing in particular… So if I had my preferences as to whether we had a rapidly growing oil and gas sector in the West or a lower dollar, I’ll tell you where I stand: with the lower dollar.”


There are several things wrong with this:

1. Exports are costs. The goal of international trade is to import goods and services; exports are the price we pay in return. If a higher exchange rate allows Ontario to import more and export less, Ontarians are better off.

2. A fallacy of composition. Bad news for one sector is not necessarily bad news for Ontario as a whole. Jobs lost in manufacturing were more than made up for by jobs created in other sectors.

3. Increased purchasing power. Since much of what we purchase is imported, a higher exchange rate means an increase in purchasing power. All Canadians -- including Ontarians -- benefited from real wage growth during the 2000s. Real wage growth during the resource-based expansion of the 2000s was stronger than it was during the manufacturing-based expansion of the 1990s. This increased buying power produced employment opportunities for firms serving the domestic market.

4. Lower interest rates. Everything else being equal, a higher exchange rate is the same thing as a monetary contraction: the lower prices produced by an appreciation keeps inflation in check. As long as the dollar was appreciating, the Bank of Canada could -- and did -- keep interest rates lower that they would have been if the dollar had not appreciated.

The resource boom and the exchange rate appreciation that went with it were good times for all provinces. This cannot have gone unnoticed by the Ontario government: personal income tax revenues grew on average by more than 9 per cent a year between 2003 and 2007 -- even as 150,000 manufacturing jobs were lost.

Even though the net effect of the resource boom on Ontario was positive, not everyone benefited, and Premier McGuinty’s government has an obligation to offer whatever support it can to those who lose their jobs in this transition.

But it also has an obligation to consider the interests of the vast majority of Ontarians who do not work in the manufacturing sector. For most Ontarians, the effects of a higher exchange rate and the increased purchasing power it brings are unambiguously positive.


But I see, also in today's Globe and Mail that McGuinty retreats in oil-sands spat, calls for national energy strategy, "Note to Alison Redford from Dalton McGuinty: I’m sorry I said the high “petro dollar” has hobbled my province, but that’s what happens when I work in “real time” and have no opportunity to self-edit.

That was the much more conciliatory tone Ontario Premier Dalton McGuinty struck with Alberta Premier Alison Redford on Wednesday, two days after he rebuffed her when she called on him to be a more vocal advocate for her province’s oil-sands development."


More on link

Maybe the one and only and only Liberal who did stay awake in Economics 101 came to the office ...

 
That has Ontario's high taxes and escalating electrical bills knocked the wind out of Ontario exporters and manufacturing in particular,” Mr. McGuinty said.

Fixed that for you, Dalton.
 
E.R. Campbell said:
Jennifer Welsh gained both 'face' and popularity here by disagreeing, publicly and eloquently, with Alan Gotlieb and the big bang group here in Ottawa.   Gotlieb and friends argue that the only way we can make the Americans 'pay attention' is to offer them a truly big deal - no more creeping continentalism (my phrase), rather a customs union and a common border 'union' and North American Defence Command all rolled up into one package.

Welsh countered, correctly, I think, that there are so few Americans interested in anything like a big bang that it would land with a dull thud and be forgotten by Tuesday morning.   She argued for many of the same things Gotlieb wants ~ a customs union, to start (followed by a currency union), security union (common outer perimeter border, etc and a complete joint and combined (sea, land air), North American Defence Command, etc - but, she suggested, one at a time, without too much political involvement because Canadians, broadly, do   to want to cozy up to our American friends and neighbours â “ anti-Americanism is a deep rooted, dark and unpleasant part of our national psyche and Welsh, like many successful politicians, understand that.   Welsh positioned herself in the space into which Paul Martin was forced to back-peddle and he has grabbed her like a drowning man grabs a branch.

I hear that the foreign policy review â “ completed last fall with DND's inputs â “ was, really, a pretty sad piece of work.   I am not, personally, surprised because, in my personal, outsider's opinion, DFAIT's strategic analysis capability disappeared several years ago â “ driven out by a government (Chrétien's) with a Johnny-one-note agenda: trade, Trade, TRADE (trade imagery if not trade reality, anyway), and a deep distrust of the old, Anglophile, three-piece suit and spats, bureaucracy.

Some of what Welsh says makes really good sense, some doesn't and some reflects her, current, Eurocentric, work.   She has one other distinct advantage: she writes clear, concise English; one of the reason so many people disagree with her is that they actually understand what she said!

Paul Martin believes that he can, and must, improve his electoral prospects by presenting a new foreign policy with some pizzazz and then, he further believes, by doing well on the internationals stage where, he also believes, he does well.   Welsh might give him what he needs â “ something which Canadians can understand and something with which they can, broadly, agree.

About Welsh, specifically; she is young, attractive, female, part-aboriginal, a minor celebrity in Oxford (even better than Harvard) and she was a card carrying Liberal.


A lot of water has passed under many bridges - Paul Martin is gone and pizzaz is no longer required in foreign policy, just for a start, but creeping continentalism is alive and well according to this article which is reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the Globe and Mail:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/ottawa-notebook/us-official-predicts-norad-border-pact-with-canada/article2356680/
U.S. official predicts ‘NORAD border’ pact with Canada

STEVEN CHASE

OTTAWA— Globe and Mail Update
Posted on Friday, March 2, 2012

A top Homeland Security official says he believes the time will come when Canada and the United States have a joint organization to handle border controls – what he described as the “NORAD border.”

The North American Aerospace Defense Command is a unified U.S.-Canada effort to protect continental airspace. Headquartered in Colorado, it was first created during the Cold War to deal with the threat of missile- or bomber-borne nuclear weapons from the Soviet Union.

The commander of NORAD, however, is always a United States officer while the deputy commander is always Canadian. The rotating duty shifts regularly put Canadians in operational command of North American airspace, such as when planes hit the World Trade Center on Sept. 11, 2001.

Alan Bersin, the assistant secretary of international affairs at the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, was speaking to an Ottawa audience Friday about efforts to flesh out a recent perimeter security deal between Canada and the United States.

He’s also the department’s chief diplomatic officer and until recently served as the commissioner of U.S. Customs and Border Protection.

Mr. Bersin was asked if he foresaw the day when Ottawa and Washington could agree on a bi-national institution to handle border matters – one that preserved each country’s sovereignty but where one official was in charge, regardless of whether they were Canadian or American.

Mr. Bersin said both NORAD and co-operation over managing the St. Lawrence Seaway are both good examples of joint efforts between the two countries.

“We have to actually get back to that mentality,” the U.S. official said. “While it will take awhile – and while we develop mechanisms to respect sovereignty, but also recognize where it is we need to blend our energies – I believe that time will come.”

Mr. Bersin gave the business audience he was addressing an example of where he’d like the relationship to proceed.

“Why should we have separate admissibility processes into our countries if in fact North American security would suggest that a Canadian and a U.S. immigrations and customs official ought to be working together to clear people in Frankfurt who are coming into Canada, to clear them such that they would be able then to come seamlessly across [the joint border into] the United States.”

This will take effort, he warned.

“To say that is to show how far we have to get there: to build the NORAD border,” Mr. Bersin said. “But I think that is the vision that will drive this co-operation, recognizing there are many intermediate steps.”

Mr. Bersin declined to elaborate on his remarks following his address.


Those who follow my musings here on Army.ca will remember that this, a "common perimeter," is something I favour. It essentially erases the  border ~ what the John Turner campaign accused Fibber Muldoon Brian Mulroney of wanting to do in the 1988 election campaign.

But the process needs to involve e.g. common product standards for everything from toothpaste to canned shrimp and it needs to involve common immigration and visitor visa standards ~ meaning that the US has to severely tighten its tourism visa rules, thereby closing a major terrorist and criminal route into North America.

Above all it needs to be done quietly, step-by-step, without fanfare until, suddenly, the border is ....
pt1220_poof_logo.jpeg
We (they) have been at this for about 50 years - harmonizing, standardizing and so on ... another ten or twenty years should do it.

 
Not sure if this is the right thread for this, but here goes:

http://ottawa.ctv.ca/servlet/an/local/CTVNews/20120302/will-iceland-switch-to-the-loonie-120302/20120302/?hub=OttawaHome

Iceland considering switch to Canadian dollar


Will ongoing economic uncertainty about the eurozone push Iceland into the stable arms of the Canadian dollar?

While the question may have seemed a loonie one only a decade ago, the idea has been gaining traction recently among Icelandic investors like Heidar Gudjonsson.

Gudjonsson is an economist at Iceland's Research Center for Social and Economic Studies.

He recently stated that Canada and Iceland share Arctic geography and export-driven economies. Gudjonsson also noted that Canada's sound economy is buffered by a wealth in natural resources like oil and water, making the loonie a stable long-term bet.

"Their export mix is very, very similar to ours," he said in November.

Iceland is still reeling from the 2008 economic collapse, which destroyed the country's banking system.

More on link. I can't see anything wrong with wanting to increase demand for our dollar.. Anyone who knows more about this than me (99.9% of posters on this forum lol) want to weigh in?
 
Sythen said:
Not sure if this is the right thread for this, but here goes:

http://ottawa.ctv.ca/servlet/an/local/CTVNews/20120302/will-iceland-switch-to-the-loonie-120302/20120302/?hub=OttawaHome

More on link. I can't see anything wrong with wanting to increase demand for our dollar.. Anyone who knows more about this than me (99.9% of posters on this forum lol) want to weigh in?


Also discussed here.

There is a potential in this for Canada and the "outside the EU" free trade area (Iceland, Leichenstein, Norway and Switzerland) to do a deal ~ not that the Norwegians or Swiss need a better currency.

The EU and the Euro are less and less attractive right now.
 
E.R. Campbell said:
A lot of water has passed under many bridges - Paul Martin is gone and pizzaz is no longer required in foreign policy, just for a start, but creeping continentalism is alive and well according to this article which is reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the Globe and Mail:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/ottawa-notebook/us-official-predicts-norad-border-pact-with-canada/article2356680/

Those who follow my musings here on Army.ca will remember that this, a "common perimeter," is something I favour. It essentially erases the  border ~ what the John Turner campaign accused Fibber Muldoon Brian Mulroney of wanting to do in the 1988 election campaign.

But the process needs to involve e.g. common product standards for everything from toothpaste to canned shrimp and it needs to involve common immigration and visitor visa standards ~ meaning that the US has to severely tighten its tourism visa rules, thereby closing a major terrorist and criminal route into North America.

Above all it needs to be done quietly, step-by-step, without fanfare until, suddenly, the border is ....
pt1220_poof_logo.jpeg
We (they) have been at this for about 50 years - harmonizing, standardizing and so on ... another ten or twenty years should do it.
It certainly isn't in the cards right now - this bit appears to have been added to the original article....
.... The Prime Minister’s Office, however, said this did not reflect their intentions.

“Our plan is clear that it respects each nation’s sovereignty and those comments are not compatible with that vision,” said Andrew MacDougall, associate director of communications ....
While in theory, an erased border would be a good thing, I worry Canada may not arm twist strongly enough to ensure we don't get bulldozed by a much larger market south of us in "harmonizing".
 
Sythen said:
ahh sorry, just moved and internet not up yet.. Kinda behind on my news reading.


Actually, I thought of putting it in here, too ... a cross reference is helpful.
 
Why protecting dairy, poultry farmers is no sacred cow for Harper
JOHN IBBITSON Globe and Mail Monday, Mar. 12, 2012
http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/john-ibbitson/why-protecting-dairy-poultry-farmers-is-no-sacred-cow-for-harper/article2366116/

Is the Harper government willing to dismantle the supply management system that protects poultry and dairy farmers from competition? You should bet that it is.

The Conservatives’ trade agenda requires it. Domestic politics permits it. And although Stephen Harper is keeping his own counsel on the issue, those watching Canada’s trade negotiations are convinced the Prime Minister will act when the time comes.

There would be plenty of support – billions of dollars-worth – for farmers during a lengthy transition. But the end to protection from foreign imports for dairy and eggs appears inevitable.

Diversifying trade is Mr. Harper’s highest priority. If this Conservative majority government is known for only one thing, the Prime Minister wants that one thing to be trade.

This is why the Conservatives are putting so much emphasis on a free-trade agreement with Europe, why the government is working hard at concluding an agreement with India, why Mr. Harper has visited China twice in less than three years, why feelers are out to see if Japan or Thailand are interested.

And it is why Canada is determined to get a seat at the table where the Trans-Pacific Partnership is being negotiated. This ambitious new agreement would open markets among nine Pacific nations –including the United States, Malaysia, Australia and Chile – representing a quarter of the world’s GDP.

Japan, Canada and Mexico have asked to join the talks. Bringing them in would expand the consortium’s size to a third of global GDP.

But to join, applicants must be prepared to abandon agricultural subsidies. For Canada, that means surrendering the supply management system that protects dairy and poultry farmers. Refusal to accept that condition kept Canada from joining the talks at an earlier stage.

All nine current member countries must approve before a new country can join the talks, but really it’s about securing approval from Washington. International Trade Minister Ed Fast was in the American capital in recent days and is in New York Monday to push for acceptance. Canada is promising to bring “a very high level of ambition” to the talks, said Mr. Fast last week. He is arguing that the Canada-U.S. supply chains are so integrated that it makes sense for both countries to be at the TPP table together.

He is also apparently arguing that most Pacific countries have agricultural subsidies of one sort or another that could be exempted from a final agreement. But the Americans (and the Australians and the New Zealanders) are adamant: if Canada wants in, it must be prepared to dismantle supply management.

If it comes down to joining what could be the world’s most important new trade bloc, or protecting butter and eggs, don’t bet on Mr. Harper to side with butter and eggs.
more on link
 
Cutting another $8 billion should be easy at this rate:

http://opinion.financialpost.com/2012/03/09/william-watson-still-plenty-left-to-chop-and-slice/

William Watson: Still plenty left to chop and slice

William Watson  Mar 9, 2012 – 10:31 PM ET
   
Looking for cuts? Scroll through the ­vastness of the Public Accounts of Canada

You can’t really appreciate the vastness of the federal government and therefore the potential for chopping or at least slicing bits of it off until you’ve scrolled through the Public Accounts of Canada, which (a government initiative that is actually worthwhile) are available to any citizen who Googles that name. Mind you, the required scrolling may threaten your carpal tunnel. The 2011 version of the Public Accounts is 1,635 pages long, most of them pages of very small print even though, despite their length, they generally list only expenditures exceeding $100,000.

The spending comes in several kinds — professional and special services, acquisition of land, buildings and works, and transfer payments — each of which gets its own volume. If you search for the word “consulting” in the professional and special services volume, it appears on 142 out of 177 pages, and on many of those 142 pages more than once. Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada spent $6.6-million on management consulting in 2011. Human Resources and Skills Development, a major purchaser of services at $558-million in total, spent fully $47-million on management consulting. I love some of the names of the consulting companies: “Northern Lights Canada,” though it’s headquartered in Oshawa, from where I bet you can’t see the northern lights; “Altruistic Informatics Consulting” (Do they really give away their services?); “MSC Maplesoft Consulting.”

The words “advertising” and “polling” don’t appear anywhere in the volume on professional and special services, even though the federal government obviously spends tons of money — tons of money the Conservatives regularly decried when they were in opposition — telling us what a good job it’s doing on its economic recovery program and helping us out with various aspects of our lives. The suspicion always arises, when you’re watching government TV ads, that their main purpose is that the ad companies help out the political parties come campaign time.

The Canadian Artists and Producers Professional Relations Tribunal didn’t spend anything last year on management consulting — good for it! — but you’ve got to wonder what it is and why it exists. Artists and producers can’t get along? What’s their problem: squabbling over the grants? Do we really need a federal agency to help them?

Last fiscal year the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs — and in the 21st century isn’t the existence of such a department more than a little embarrassing? — spent $112-million on legal services, including more than $3-million to firms in Calgary and Kitchener. Kitchener? The same department spent $37-million on management consulting. Given the year it had, maybe it should have spent more. The Indian Residential Schools Truth and Reconciliation Commission (total 2011 expenditure of $3.3-million) spent $52,560 on management consulting.

Choosing a department completely at random, the Ministry of Transport handed out $6.6-billion in cash transfers. Transfers are payments in support of various institutions and activities but not in exchange for any particular service. Thus the department made a $121,197 contribution to the Supply Chain and Logistics Association of Canada. Another $100,000 went to the Canadian Council of Motor Transport Administrators; $268,000 to the province of P.E.I. for policing of the Confederation Bridge; $3.5-million to B.C. and Newfoundland for the modernization of marine training simulators; $9,904 — hardly worth processing, you might think — to the regional Municipality of Durham for a long-term transit strategy (you don’t suppose Durham could finance its own strategy, it being the main beneficiary of a good strategy?); $1.8-million in “contributions to provinces toward highway improvements to enhance overall efficiency and promote safety while encouraging industrial development and tourism from a regional economic perspective: Outaouais Road Development Agreement.” They probably hired a framing consultant to tell them how to cram as many happy-words as possible into the description of their program so as to make it as politically sellable as possible.

Transport Canada also contributed $300,000 to the Railway Association of Canada for Operation Lifesaver. Don’t get us wrong. No one here is opposed to saving lives. The questions we want people in government to insist on asking are: Is this actually an effective program for saving lives or, what seems more likely, does it mainly satisfy the government’s desire to be seen to care about saving lives? And is $300,000 the right amount or could there be as big a bang for the PR buck — assuming there is a bang for the buck — at $250,000 or $200,000 or even less? And how about the most likely “stakeholders”? Whose lives is the program intended to save? If it’s the lives of people who work in the railway business, don’t those people and their employers, not to mention their employers’ insurance companies, have by far the biggest stake in saving lives? And if that’s the case, shouldn’t they finance the program, rather than you and me?

You hear a lot these days about how hard it is to find more things to cut in the federal government. The examples quoted here come from roughly three of the 1,635 pages of the Public Accounts. Anyone who looks at the remaining 1,632 pages and claims there’s nothing to cut simply isn’t serious.
 
E.R. Campbell said:
A good commentary, reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the Globe and Mail:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/report-on-business/commentary/neil-reynolds/why-canadas-corporate-tax-cuts-rate-a-collective-cheer/article2290427/

First: I have heard that Ontario might want to back away from its commitment to a 10% tax rate - based on its current ugly financial situation. That would be a mistake - good politics, given Ontario's pink, anti-corporate, tendency but bad policy.

Second: I am not convinced that all economists who oppose corporate taxes do so for (purely) ideological reasons, as Neil reynolds, suggests. In my opinion corporate taxes are wasteful and inefficient. They are, de facto, just a sales tax with many complex and expensive steps in between the ultimate taxpayer, you and me, and the federal and provincial coffers. Although "corporations are people" they do not pay taxes like ordinary people, like you and I. Instead they collect all their income from real people, like you and I again, and then, as their fiduciary duty demands, they pay their owners, you and I (if we own shares, have a mutual fund or RRSP or even belong to a pension plan), their suppliers, their employees and then the government. Eventually every red cent that a corporation gets comes from your pockets or mine; it would be more efficient to drop the corporate tax rate to zero and hike the HST - same money, from the same sources goes to the same people, without as many tax lawyers and accountants in the middle.

Thitd: kudos to Prime Minister Harper for doing the right thing and for doing it right.


More from the same columnist, Neil Reynolds, on corporate taxes in this article which is reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the Globe and Mail:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/report-on-business/commentary/neil-reynolds/switzerland-against-the-world/article2364613/
Switzerland against the world

NEIL REYNOLDS

From Monday's Globe and Mail
Published Monday, Mar. 12, 2012

The Swiss, it’s said, are naturally frugal. If so, perhaps it explains why they can balance their budgets and why we can’t. European fiscal crises notwithstanding, Switzerland balanced its budget once again in 2012 – hiking spending by a mere 1.7 per cent, hiking revenue by a modest 2.4 per cent and hence limiting public expenditures, more or less precisely, to what the country proposes to collect in taxes.

But perhaps the Swiss aren’t naturally frugal. Perhaps they’re simply smarter. For one thing, they levy the lowest corporate tax rates in the world – for the right reason. It pays to do so. In the canton of Schwyz, economic affairs minister Kurt Zibung describes (in Foreign Affairs magazine) low taxes as the canton’s “biggest economic advantage.” Georg Hess, a colleague, says low taxes “are in our collective interest.” Schwyz (population 145,000) has the unemployment rate to prove it: 2.5 per cent.

Switzerland’s corporate tax rates vary significantly from canton to canton, from municipality to municipality. Appenzell, a small alpine canton, posts a corporate rate of 10.8 per cent – the lowest in the country (federal, cantonal and municipal levies combined). Obwalden, a mountain canton famous for its skiing and hiking, levies a combined corporate rate of 11.1 per cent. In the past five years, the number of companies with headquarters in Obwalden has increased to 3,500 from 2,000. (In 2007, Obwalden adopted a flat tax on personal income; at 1.8 per cent, it’s the lowest personal rate in the country.) Other cantons levy higher, but still internationally competitive, rates: Bern, 18.5 per cent; Geneva, 21.5 per cent.

And why not permit local and regional jurisdictions to compete, as they see fit, with low corporate taxes? Why should companies in North Bay necessarily pay the same corporate tax rate – now 26.5 per cent – as companies in Cornwall and Windsor? Schwyz’s corporate tax rate (federal, cantonal and municipal rates combined) is 11.8 per cent, almost the rate that the Ontario government levies all by itself (11.5 per cent) and that Premier Dalton McGuinty hesitates to lower by even a fraction of a percentage point.

Within Schwyz, the town of Pfäffikon (population 7,000) has cut its corporate tax rate every year for the past five years – transforming itself in the process into a world financial centre: a veritable Wall Street of global hedge-fund investors, George Soros among them, with $90-billion in assets under management. (Switzerland also grants 10-year tax holidays to companies that move their headquarters to the country; companies can “buy” extensions through further investment.)

Switzerland thus competes with itself – its multiple selves – on corporate tax rates. OSEC, the foreign trade organization, says the country’s laissez-fair approach “is one of the main reasons why Switzerland is such an attractive corporate location.” In its 2011-2012 ranking of 142 countries, the World Economic Forum’s Global Competitiveness Report placed Switzerland first.

Switzerland’s economic success goes further, though, than corporate tax rates. Schwyz, for instance, makes it clear in its promotional literature that you will be welcomed – provided you meet your responsibilities as either citizen or guest. You will be expected to respect the “fundamental values” of the canton. You will be expected to buy your own health insurance coverage from a private Swiss insurance company. And you will be expected to find yourself a family doctor. “This doctor will be your first point of call for all health problems,” the canton advises, “even in emergencies, at night and on weekends.” In other words, don’t even think of walking into a hospital for a minor complaint. In Schwyz, private health-care insurance is mandatory for everyone. If you’re poor, the canton will adjust the premium to help you out.

Switzerland’s cantons define what they expect from their citizens. And then they compete among themselves on corporate tax rates – making an explicit economic swap: low tax rates in exchange for investment and jobs. This competition has a logical end – the abolition of corporate taxes altogether. Swiss author Philipp Löpfe, for one, champions such a reform. With abolition, he says, the cantons will stop competing with one another. Instead, the competition will become Switzerland versus the world.


Corporate taxes are popular - many, possibly even most people like them; that's because many, possible even most people have no, zip, nada, zero knowledge of macroeconomics, but taxing big bad corporations makes them feel good. For heaven's sake if all we want to do is to make stupid people feel good we can give them free marijuana; it will be cheaper and less damaging.

Despite the laws that make corporations "people" for many and various purposes they are not "people" and they are not like "people" when it comes to paying taxes. When "people," like you and me, pay taxes we must find the money from within our own resources: use our savings, have a garage sale, borrow from Mom ~ when a corporation is made to pay taxes it has two choices:

1. Deprive the owners, the shareholders of their rightful, productive profits (never a good idea); or

2. Raise prices to the end consumer (you and me).

Corporations invariably choose option 2 which means that we, you and I, pay the corporate taxes, we just do so inefficiently, paying for a small army of civil servants, accountants and lawyers to cycle our money through the corporate tax system. It is all a colossal waste - aimed principally at making less than smart voters feel good.
 
The fact that this much generating capacity could be left offline for so long is pretty bizzare. Atl least Ontario will now have a reliable energy source plugged into the grid, rather than windmills and other fantasy devices:

http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/story/2012/03/16/toronto-bruce-power-nuclear-plant.html

Bruce Power nuclear unit to restart after 17 years
Bruce Power to be the world's largest nuclear facility
The Canadian Press Posted: Mar 16, 2012 2:46 PM ET Last Updated: Mar 16, 2012 3:49 PM ET

Regulators have cleared Unit 2 of the Bruce A nuclear power plant in Ontario to restart after a nearly two-decade-long slumber.

Bruce Power said Friday it can complete final safety checks and prepare to synchronize the reactor, which has been out of service since 1995, to Ontario's electrical grid.

"A project of this magnitude has never been done before on a CANDU reactor and that cannot be overlooked," said Bruce Power CEO Duncan Hawthorne in a release.

"We have learned many lessons from our work on Unit 2 and have implemented them on Unit 1 which is following very closely behind Unit 2 and should achieve a similar milestone in a few short months."

The Canadian Nuclear Safety Commission's authorization to power up the reactor effectively ends the construction and commissioning phases of the refurbishment project, Calgary-based TransCanada Corp., a part-owner of the plant, said in a separate release.

"This positive development represents the final major step necessary toward bringing the reactor into service," said CEO Russ Girling.

"When we committed to additional investments in Bruce A, we said the restart project was an attractive, long-term growth opportunity for TransCanada. With this milestone being reached, we move further toward realizing the sustainable earnings we expect Bruce Power to generate."

Work on Unit 1 still underway
Work on Unit 1 of Bruce A is still underway, and operations on that reactor should restart during the third quarter of 2012.

TransCanada said it expects its share of the capital cost of the Bruce refurbishment to be $2.4-billion.

Bruce Power, on the shores of Lake Huron in Ontario, consists of two generating stations: Bruce A and Bruce B. Together they house eight reactors, six of which have been operational for the past several years.

Other partners in the Bruce Power partnership include Borealis Infrastructure, which is wholly owned by the Ontario Municipal Employees Retirement System, uranium miner Cameco Corp., the Power Workers' Union and the Society of Energy Professionals.

Once the work is complete, Bruce Power will be the world's largest nuclear facility, generating more than 6,200 megawatts or about 25 per cent of Ontario's power. It currently produces 4,700 megawatts.

As a post script, it should be noted that CANDU reactors are now very old technology, and have been pretty much overtaken by various technologies like High Temperature Gas Cooled Reactors (for large centralized installations like Bruce) and proposed Thorium molten salt reactors for small "local" power generation. Still, we "go to war with the army we have", and since Ontario is heavily invested in CANDU reactors (Bruce, Darlington and Pickering), we will be using these for the forseeable future.
 
Here is some good news, reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the National Post:

http://fullcomment.nationalpost.com/2012/03/16/andrew-coyne-canada-is-poised-to-win-front-door-access-to-a-billion-person-market/
Canada at the crossroad of trade

Andrew Coyne

Mar 16, 2012

Within the next few years, Canada could well become the freest trading nation on the face of the Earth. Roughly 75% of our trade is already free, thanks to the Canada-US Free Trade Agreement and its successor, NAFTA. And that, as you’ll see, is just the start.

A Canada-European Union deal, called the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), is at the top of the list, with negotiations predicted to wrap up by the end of this year, perhaps even sooner. About 10% of our trade is with Europe even now: with a free-trade agreement in place, that proportion would be certain to expand.

At that moment, we would join a select group of countries — Chile, Colombia, Israel, Jordan, Mexico, Morocco, Peru — with guaranteed access to the two richest markets in the world: perhaps the first of the world’s leading economies to attain that status. I say perhaps. South Korea formally entered into a free-trade agreement with the United States this week, and is awaiting ratification of a similar agreement with the EU, so they may beat us to the punch.

The CETA would bring many benefits on its own, not least of which would be to force the provinces to stop discriminating against foreign contractors in procurement: with any luck they might stop doing so against each other. But the combination of the two agreements, U.S. and EU, is extraordinary. The ability to serve both markets, tariff-free, is an obvious incentive to locate a plant in Canada, making us the “hub” to their two spokes.

‘Only two other countries are
close to us in the scale and scope of
the trade agreements they have negotiated’

That’s unlikely to last for too long: indeed, that probably accounts for Europe’s interest in the deal — to prompt the Americans to sign onto a transatlantic agreement, merging NAFTA and the EU. So be it. What we’d lose in location advantages we’d gain from the opportunities to rationalize production across what would become a single market of nearly a billion people.

Meanwhile, we are also well into discussions on a free-trade agreement with India. We don’t do a great deal of trade with them now, just $2-billion a year. But again, that would be expected to grow rapidly under free trade. And again, only the Koreans, who already have a treaty with India, would be in our league, both of us with guaranteed access to the first, second and fourth richest markets in the world. (A Canada-South Korea free trade agreement is also nearing completion.)

That leaves, among the big four, China. Prime Minister Harper has agreed to a joint study that could “lead to discussions to examine the feasibility of a free-trade agreement.” Talks are rather further advanced between China and South Korea. Unlike South Korea, however, we have applied to join the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a nascent 10-country group that includes, inter alia, the United States, Australia, New Zealand, and Japan — with whom we have also begun exploratory discussions. So there is every prospect of stealing a march on the Koreans here, provided we look sharp — having secured their bilateral relationship, the Americans are already promoting Korea’s admission to the TPP. It would be insanity, in particular, to let supply management bar our entry.

'Certainly looking at the moribund state of
the Doha round at the World Trade Organization,
it’s hard to argue the merits of multilateralism’

Only two other countries are close to us in the scale and scope of the trade agreements they have negotiated. Chile has free trade agreements with the U.S., the EU, Japan, China and Mexico — but not India or Korea. Singapore has agreements with the U.S., Japan, India, China and Korea — but not the European Union. But stay tuned: Singapore and the EU are in negotiations as we speak.

Still, it’s heady company to be in: South Korea, Chile, and Singapore are well known as buccaneering free traders. But Canada? It wasn’t so long ago that this country accepted protectionism — the National Policy, it was called — as part of its very identity. But a lot has changed since that tumultuous election in 1988 that committed us to free trade with the United States, and having made that fundamental turn outward we have found each additional step along the trade liberalization road less arduous. In addition to those mentioned, we have signed agreements with Honduras, Panama, Jordan, Colombia, Peru, Costa Rica and Israel, and have several more in negotiation.

Indeed, with so much of our trade already free — 90% to 95%, if we are successful in the ambitions I’ve outlined — there would seem less and less reason not to simply abolish our remaining trade barriers unilaterally, as we did recently with regard to tariffs on intermediate goods. These were always more self-inflicted wounds than anything else: any economist will tell you the case for free trade is about cheaper imports, not more exports, and does not depend on whether other countries reciprocate. But with their remaining utility as bargaining chips having been exhausted, the last argument for retaining them would have vanished.

There was a time when economists tended to look askance at such bilateral or regional trade agreements. The concern was that these would lead to “trade diversion” rather than “trade creation,” inducing trade between countries on the basis of preferential arrangements rather than comparative advantage. What this overlooked was the dynamic of competitive liberalization that was unleashed, each country scrambling to join trade agreements lest they be left out, existing free trade areas merging with others to form still larger arrangements. Certainly looking at the moribund state of the Doha round at the World Trade Organization, it’s hard to argue the merits of multilateralism.

And you have to like where Canada is positioned in all this: at the crossroads of international trade, a big, cold Hong Kong of the north.

Postmedia News


The historical evidence suggests, quite strongly, that free trade brings greater prosperity, even when the free trade is one sided: in other words we would, in the longer term, do better of if we unilaterally dropped all tariffs ~ there would be sort term pain, to be sure, but history suggests there would also be long term gain ... shades of John Crosby and the 1980 budget.

Further: free trade is a liberal policy ~ liberal being defined as a mix of utilitarianism and individualism, while protectionism is a very conservative instinct ~ which is why the famous liberal thinker John Stuart Mill said, "I never meant to say that the Conservatives are generally stupid. I meant to say that stupid people are generally Conservative. I believe that is so obviously and universally admitted a principle that I hardly think any gentleman will deny it." In 2012 a liberal of Mill's stripe, someone like me, is lumped in with what a lazy, ill educated media calls conservatives  while the real conservatives, Mill's "stupid people," are members of or vote for the Liberal Party of Canada and the New Democratic Party of Canada and the Democratic Party in the USA. (That does not mean that all, or even many, Canadian Conservatives or US Republicans are either liberal or smart.)
 
The "Chopping block" series of articles in the National Post are quite useful in showing how we can easily beat the deficit targets with a continuing series of small changes. These so called "tax pigs" by themselves come to about $2 billion; the GST exemptions come to $17 billion, which would eliminate 1/2 of the deficit by itself. Cumulatively, spending cuts of $8 billion, the additional $2 billion from eliminating the tax pigs and the $17 billion from eliminating GST preference would bring the deficit down to such a low level that realistic economic growth could reasonably be expected to consume it in the form of increased revenues.

This still leaves the accumulated debt, unfunded liabilities and "recapitalization" of Canada; many of the suggestions of previous editions of the "Chopping block" show where other cuts could be made (although paying off the trillion dollars in debt and unfunded liabilities could take centuries just using this approach), while broad basd tax cuts have a historical record of bosting economic growth, which can be used in tandem to pay down the trillion dollars and recapitalize Canada by boosting income and lowering the 42% tax burden the aveage Canadian family pays today.

http://opinion.financialpost.com/2012/03/15/the-chopping-block-axe-the-tax-pigs/

The Chopping Block 2012: Axe the tax pigs
Jack M. Mintz  Mar 15, 2012 – 8:41 PM ET | Last Updated: Mar 16, 2012 1:09 PM ET

Tax preferences cost billions, to little effect

By Jack M. Mintz

When Finance Minister Jim Flaherty rises in the House of Commons to present his budget on March 29, he will be reporting on the efforts of the government to rein in some spending programs. Far from being the austerity budgets recently passed in countries like Ireland, the United Kingdom and Greece, this one will be modest.

Too bad. There is lots of room for a big axe to be wielded — and not just for official departmental spending programs. The Minister could put on The Chopping Block some expenditure programs disguised as tax cuts. Accelerated depreciation, tax credits and targeted exemptions might look like tax relief, but these expenditure-like provisions are no more than pigs with lipstick.

The list of tax pigs is endless — just look at the Finance Canada website and take days to read them. Some of them may be effective in promoting growth or achieving fairness in the tax system. Others, however, have lost their rationale or are simply ineffective or downright harmful to the Canadian economy. Billions could be saved to reduce the deficit or, even better, fund reductions in marginal tax rates to give relief to beleaguered taxpayers.

Even worse, the federal government rarely reports whether these pigs with lipstick are effective in achieving their aims. Some good tax evaluation studies have been done in the past — research and development and disability credits, for example — but many have escaped any proper scrutiny. For example, little analysis has been undertaken of the effectiveness of the small business tax rate reduction (cost of $3.5-billion) as to whether it really boosts investment, as typically claimed by politicians.

Here are some worthwhile candidates for The Chopping Block.

Labour-sponsored venture capital credits ($130-million) These credits have not only been ineffective in generating more venture capital, but they have also helped finance poor projects that should have never been funded in the first place. The economic returns from venture capital have been exceptionally poor and have crowded out private investment.

Atlantic Investment Tax Credit ($273-million) This tax pig has been around for years as a sop to agriculture, fishing, forestry, oil and gas, mining and manufacturing industries in the Atlantic and some eastern parts of Quebec. The 10% credit for qualifying investments has distorted capital allocation decisions and provides little value when the company does not pay enough taxes to use them. With the sharp reduction in both federal and provincial corporate tax rates in the past several years, it is about time to put an end to this expenditure program.



Film tax credits ($365-million) I sometimes get indigestion on my air flights, not from the food, but watching some awful Canadian films funded by tax credits that support many award-losing producers and actors, all in the name of Canadian culture. Maybe the credit has helped spawn our mediocre film industry, but it has also lined the pockets of wealthy Hollywood producers and actors, who return the favour by criticizing our public policies.

Accelerated depreciation in manufacturing (unknown cost) This tax relief was introduced in 1972 on the pretext of offsetting U.S. preferences for manufacturing. Canada put it on the chopping block with the 1987 tax reform, but it has once again reappeared as a tax preference in the past several years. Meant to be temporary, it keeps getting extended, even though its equivalent investment tax credit value is only 4%. Again, with our sharp reduction in corporate tax rates since 2000 and elimination of the capital tax, it is time to put this one to rest.

Tax credits, flow-through shares and accelerated depreciation for mining, oil and gas and green technologies (at least $500-million) These expenditure-like preferences have been around for years, all in the guise of promoting investment in commodity investments. With sky-high prices, it hardly seems that we should continue a practice that is now redundant with much lower corporate taxes. In some cases, such as green technologies and flow-through investments in oil, gas and mining, it is far from clear whether the market would even support some investments were it not for tax pigs.

Pension income credit ($975-million) Canada has one of the best tax systems for the treatment of retirement income in the world. We also enable seniors to split pension income so that single- and two-earner families are treated more fairly. The pension income tax credit of $2000 goes well beyond what is needed and has little rationale as a credit.

GST preferences ($17-billion) As Michael Smart at the University of Toronto estimated, tax preferences under the GST are so large now that the federal GST rate could be cut from 5% to 3%. Even exempting food has a large cost of $3.5-billion. Almost 40% of the tax relief goes to families with more than $100,000 in income — it would be much more effective and cheaper to boost the refundable GST credit for poor families that really need it. One need not look too far to find other countries have avoided many of these tax preferences, particularly New Zealand, with its low rate and broad base.

Tax credits for fitness, transit passes ($265-million) Need I say more?

Like its spending review, the government needs to look carefully at the numerous tax preferences that currently exist. If we want a more efficient and less burdensome government, numerous tax-disguised expenditure programs should be put on the chopping block.

Financial Post
Jack M. Mintz is the Palmer chair of public policy at the University of Calgary.
 
This informative article, which is reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the Globe and Mail, could have gone in the Budget 2012 or Election 2015 threads but this seemed best:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/report-on-business/commentary/neil-reynolds/incredible-shrinking-government-message-more-important-than-ever/article2378490/singlepage/#articlecontent
‘Incredible shrinking government’ message more important than ever

NEIL REYNOLDS

OTTAWA— Globe and Mail Update
Published Friday, Mar. 23, 2012

Headlines inform but don’t necessarily reveal. Time reveals.

Based on headlines alone, most people would probably assume that Canada has a bigger federal government than it had 50 years ago. But we don’t – not, at any rate, in relative terms. In fiscal 1962-1963, a half-century ago, the federal government spent 16.8 per cent of the country’s gross domestic product, the same percentage it spent in 1920.

Yet in fiscal 2011-2012, Ottawa will spend only 14.4 per cent. By fiscal 2015-2016, it will spend only 12.9 per cent. For the most part, the headlines missed a most remarkable story: “Government shrinking fast.”

It’s a fact. Canada has a smaller federal government than it did in the Roaring Twenties. And it will get smaller still – perhaps eventually taking the country back, in relative terms, to the liberal state of the 19th century. Can laissez-faire be far behind? The retreat is now well under way in many of the affluent industrialized countries – but Canada, beyond doubt, is a global leader.

This radical transition is not a partisan thing. It reflects a growing appreciation of the inherent limits of government. The federal government’s expansive era peaked, at 24.4 per cent of GDP, in 1984-1985: Conservative Prime Minister Brian Mulroney’s first year in office. In eight years, he reduced the size of the government only marginally.

When Liberal Jean Chrétien became prime minister in 1993, Ottawa was still spending 23.1 per cent of GDP. In its first 10 years, his government reduced that share to 16 per cent – back to the level it held during the politically frenzied days of prime ministers John Diefenbaker and Lester Pearson.

The Chrétien government cut Ottawa’s relative size by one-third, and didn’t try to hide its strategic objective of deeper cuts ahead. Make no mistake: That government knew what it was doing. In 2000, in what Dalhousie University economist Lars Osberg presciently (though disapprovingly) spoke of as the government’s “millennial vision,” Ottawa publicly announced its formula for long-term downsizing “in the 21st century.” In the future, it said, the government would limit spending growth to two benchmarks: inflation and population growth.

With firm economic management from his finance minister, Paul Martin, Mr. Chrétien finished his three terms in office with a unique accomplishment – a decade (1993-2003) in which Ottawa reduced spending, as a share of GDP, every year. (In contrast, Liberal Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau increased the size of government every year during his first eight years in office, expanding the federal state by 50 per cent, from 16 per cent of GDP to 24 per cent.)

The Chrétien government’s restraint was history’s front-page, big-headline story of the new millennium.

Here’s why: If you limit the growth of government spending to inflation and population, you stop the state from grabbing most of the country’s real-dollar economic growth – the source of almost all increases in federal spending since the Second World War (and earlier still).

With spending limited to inflation and population, the relative size of government must inevitably decline – and the private sector must inevitably expand.

Note that Conservative Prime Minister Stephen Harper and Finance Minister Jim Flaherty have now imposed a comparable limit to federal spending: a 1.6-per-cent cap (on average) for the next five years – a more stringent limit on government still.

None of this downsizing, or very little of it, has occurred in the provinces. Yet, from coast to coast, the relative size of “all government” spending (federal, provincial, municipal) is falling – from 50 per cent of GDP in 2001 to 35 per cent in 2011. Based on current federal-provincial spending projections, this tally can be expected to fall in the near term to 30 per cent or less. A downsizing of this magnitude would take “all government” back almost 50 years, too. In 1960, federal-provincial spending took 28 per cent of GDP; in 1937, it took 25 per cent.

So far, Liberals and Conservatives alike have successfully managed the transition to limited government – thanks to an important change in public opinion. The percentage of people who want bigger government is relatively small, and getting smaller. Governments have found that they can occasionally say no, and still survive.

In Public Spending in the 20th Century, published in 2000, noted economists Vito Tanzi (International Monetary Fund) and Ludger Schuknecht (European Central Bank) explained why. Much of the increases in public spending since the 1960s, they showed, produced little advance in public welfare, yet resulted in high levels of government debt. Further, the authors argued, much government spending could be reversed with minimal harm.

The authors advocated a return to the classic liberalism of the 19th century – the liberalism that disciplined public expenditure in Canada from Confederation through the Second World War. “What?” exclaimed a stupefied Prime Minister Louis St. Laurent to one of his ministers in the 1950s. “You want the federal government to fund ballet lessons?” Uncle Louis preferred to use budget surpluses to pay off old debt from the First World War, which he did.

Yet this Liberal leader’s intuitive fidelity to limited government was already under siege. In 1957, in his final year in office, he set up the Canada Council, which has provided federal financing for the arts ever since. But note: He did so with typical economy, establishing the council with only the death taxes from two wealthy Canadians: industrialist Sir James Dunn and financier Izaak Walton Killam, at Mr. Killam’s request.

Government spending, of course, is only one manifestation of the welfare state. Government regulations – the nanny state, the big brother state – are another thing altogether. Yes, low interest rates have made it easier to limit the growth of government. But interest rates will rise again. That’s why it’s important now, to first balance budgets and to then pay down debt. Without intending in any way to disparage ballet, it is now clear – stop the presses! – that Uncle Louis knew best.


And it is to be hoped that this Conservative government and future governments, which will be of other than Conservative stripes, will continue to shrink government until we reach that happy, happy state of 19th century liberalism. And yes, in public finance, as in so very many other things, Uncle Louis St Laurent was right.

The reason that none, or very little of the downsizing has been done in the provinces is that Chrétien/Martin shrunk the federal government by offloading the burden on to those same provinces.
 
This article, reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions of the Copyright Act from the Globe and Mail, is interesting in and of itself but it is the comments that I found especially interesting ~ some (many? just those, normally left of centre folk who usually comment on articles?) Canadians hate public sector trade unions:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/the-sorry-state-of-our-unions/article2380055/
The sorry state of our unions

JOHN ALLEMANG

From Saturday's Globe and Mail
Published Saturday, Mar. 24, 2012

So it has come to this: Even union leaders are losing faith in the power of their unions.

“There used to be a time when we had great respect from the public,” says Ken Georgetti, president of the Canadian Labour Congress. “But we've lost that. There's this notion that unions are just out for themselves and not for society. You get that label hung on you, and you have to work to get rid of it.”

Or as Mark Ferguson, president of a Toronto branch of the Canadian Union of Public Employees put it more bluntly in a recent e-mail to a fellow CUPE member who had complained about a failure to win concessions: “The public hates unions right now.” That simmering hatred turned visceral early Friday when a man spat on a female Air Canada employee during a wildcat walkout at Toronto's Pearson airport.

It's a precarious moment for the labour movement. Next week's federal and Ontario budgets will bring thousands of job losses. British Columbia's 30,000 nurses are bargaining and the province's teachers appear headed for a showdown with the government over back-to-work legislation. Toronto's 23,000 inside workers are in a strike position. Meanwhile, the very survival of unions' collective-bargaining powers is at stake.

Witness the Harper government's pre-empting of the Air Canada pilots' right to strike, calling it damaging to the economy, as well as March-break travel plans. “In that case, you can't ever have a strike ... because every strike has an economic impact,” says Buzz Hargrove, former president of the Canadian Auto Workers.

In a hostile environment, unions are beginning to realize that they must alter both their tactics and their attitudes.

“A major defeat is staring us in the face,” says Sam Gindin, a former top union adviser who holds the Packer Chair in Social Justice at York University. “We have to change how unions function.”

Leading Canadian unions are echoing this dissatisfaction and have undertaken an unprecedented exercise in self-criticism and renewal – the Communications, Energy and Paperworkers Union is in talks with the CAW to create a new private-sector super-union designed to reinvent the labour movement.

“If unions do not change, and quickly, we will steadily follow U.S. unions into continuing decline,” states a discussion paper ominously entitled A Moment of Truth for Canadian Unions.

The unions' motivation to reinvigorate their faltering movement is powerful. Private-sector unions have been unable to halt their steady slide toward oblivion, as traditional manufacturing jobs disappear in a fiercely competitive globalized economy and the growing categories of young service-industry workers and post-industrial independent job-seekers prove impervious to old-style unionization.

Public-sector unions, meanwhile, are on the defensive: In their upcoming confrontations with deficit-slashing governments – the Conference Board of Canada has predicted an increased level of labour conflict this year – they stand to lose the battle for taxpayers' hearts and minds that sees them portrayed as out-of-touch elitists mocking hard-pressed taxpayers with their job security, regular hours and gold-plated pensions.

The hard times that followed the 2008 economic meltdown have fostered class warfare, naturally enough. But much of the hostility, contrary to the usual left-wing analysis, has been directed at the perks and presumptions of organized labour.

“There's been a change in the paradigm,” says Mr. Georgetti. “People used to aspire to belong to a union to get the benefits and be well off. Now the aspiration is, ‘I'd be happy to take those benefits away from someone because I don't have them.'”

The anti-union voices are vocal and influential, even on the CBC. Entrepreneur Kevin O'Leary's bully pulpit on the public broadcaster inspires fear and outrage among union leaders, who recognize his Don Cherry-like power to win over the masses when he opines that unions are evil and their members should be “thrown in jail.”

Influence on NDP waning

As the New Democratic Party meets in Toronto today to select the new Opposition Leader, it should be a heady time to be a union member. But the modern, broadly based NDP is not automatically or instinctively the party of working people, even as its leadership candidates have continued to chase union endorsements and the ready-made organizing abilities that come with them. Electability in a country that has growing reservations about the power of unions often means playing down labour's special place and influence.

Even candidate Peggy Nash, a former lead negotiator for the CAW, acknowledges the problems posed by public discontent.

“Unions are facing a difficult climate. There's an unease out there, and some of the biggest challenges relate to the tremendous insecurity people are feeling in the workplace.”

The insecurity is understand- able, but hardly confined to the non-union sector. If anything, union leaders and members are more anxious as they watch their historic power and privileges being eroded by governments and corporations that sense this is the time to attack.

For unions to dictate terms in the labour market, they need to have a strong presence in the private sector. But that's exactly where they have declined, to the point where they cease to set the standard for wages and working conditions. Instead of representing the gold standard that all workers aim for, unions become the symbol of uncompetitive greed and outmoded status.

That reversal in status was highlighted in the labour showdown preceding Caterpillar Inc.'s shutdown of its locomotive plant in London, Ont., when unionized workers refused to accept a 50-per-cent pay cut – a few days before, Caterpillar had reported a $4.9-billion profit. Remaining competitive in the global marketplace was the multinational's avowed goal, and if Ontario wouldn't play along, somebody else would: Indiana, which had just passed “right-to-work” legislation to discourage union organization and keep costs down.

“It used to be the unionized sector that set the pattern,” says Gregor Murray, professor of industrial relations at the University of Montreal. “Now we see clearly in the Caterpillar case that the non-union sector in Indiana becomes the benchmark.”

In a globalized economy, this is known as a location tournament, in which the lowest costs win out over the kind of community values and obligations that tied old-economy companies to their company towns.

It's a battle Canadian unions are not in a position to win.

“We shouldn't kid ourselves,” says CAW president Ken Lewenza. “The multinational companies we deal with can move capital from one jurisdiction to another with no impediment.”

Unions have talked about trying to catch up and become more powerful global entities through the International Trade Union Confederation, especially since the application of Canada's foreign investment laws appears highly arbitrary.

“A lot of these companies are larger than some nation-states,” says Mr. Georgetti. “They have too much power: They need to make a profit but they don't have a structure that lends itself well to the public interest.”

Rebranding the union movement and reclaiming the messaging from anti-unionists isn't going to be easy. Stating the union's case directly to the public through billboards, advertisements and social media is the preferred tactic these days.

But some hard-core unionists think modern technology is less productive than the old fashioned tools of social unionism: conversations around the table, meetings in ethnic and community halls, reaching out to a wider range of disaffected groups.

“It's not enough for union leader to send out tweets in an uncertain world,” says John Cartwright, president of the Toronto and York Regional Labour Council.

Mr. Gindin is sharply skeptical about the union's appetite for imaginative change.

“The auto workers should have taken over the Caterpillar plant,” he says. “You don't get anywhere by putting out a press release saying Caterpillar's closure is a bad thing – you take it over and force these problems onto the agenda.”

Caught flat-footed by the rise of the Occupy movement – which revealed the attention-getting power of audacious action – union leaders are belatedly recognizing that they need to build support beyond the boundaries of union membership. The historic model of a collective union identity – auto workers working in the same plant, living in the same close community, sharing the same group values – is dead or dying, with what survives perceived as isolated and privileged.

And so, says Prof. Murray, “unions have to change their repertoire, and develop new ways of acting out of these new conflicts: not just ‘Let's have a strike,' but connecting with people in a broader set of debates.”

That was the historic mission of the union movement that helped shape the Canada Pension Plan, medicare and health and safety legislation – a legacy unions have been living off a little too smugly ever since, even as the social contract of the post-war prosperity years has devolved into the harsher survival strategies of post-Thatcher neoliberalism.

“We haven't reached out enough to engage with other people,” says Paul Moist, president of CUPE. “And if we don't argue for CPP to be expanded, who will? All those workers in lousy jobs don't have the resources to argue for it.”

But just as fundamental to union survival is the need to win over new members to the movement – particularly among recent immigrants and young people. “Unions are facing a choice,” Mr. Cartwright says. “They can either engage the new work force as it changes or go with those who are a part of the power structure of the last generation.”

He points to successful campaign to sign up service employees at Chinese-language seniors' homes, led by a Filipina organizer who'd won her spurs organizing her compatriots in the growing union domain of long-term-care facilities. “This speaks to the bridges that unions rooted in new immigrant communities can build,” he says.

Immigrant communities can form a natural grouping – the Painters Union in Toronto was able to sign up several hundred Turkish stucco workers after partnering with influential imams who saw the union could improve workers' lives.

In the new economy, such large and cohesive groupings aren't the norm: To reach more a more transient, independent work force, union leaders look to models like ACTRA, the performers union that negotiates rates, conditions and benefits for what are essentially freelance and itinerant workers.

Getting through to young people remains the biggest challenge. The decline of traditional private-sector industries means that younger workers are often shut out completely.

“I was a local president at 28,” says CEP president David Coles. “Now in the same kind of factories and plants that people like me came out of, it takes 30 years of fricking seniority to get a job.”

Being excluded builds resentment among the minimum-waged young. But so do the two-tier systems that desperate-to-survive unions construct to ensure their survival – limiting wages and pension benefits available to new hires, for example.

“It seems like a great idea if you're trying to get an agreement, because those new workers don't vote,” says Mr. Gindin. “But it's bad if you're trying to build a union since it alienates the very people you'll need to run the organization some day.”

Unions, particularly in the private sector, are a movement of the old, with a nostalgic attachment to a more glorious past. “I don't see that much hostility to unions among young people,” says Pradeep Kumar, professor emeritus of industrial relations at Queen's University. “But they certainly don't get excited by what unions do. These are people who don't obey authority, and they tend to find unions very condescending and patronizing.”

In this troubled union world, the stylish young woman handing out leaflets and parrying the questions of passers-by on a strike-choked Toronto sidewalk is something of a godsend.

The city's library workers, quite unexpectedly, have gone on strike. According to the anti-union stereotype, this should be the ugly face of modern unionism, public-sector holdouts against municipal budget-paring who don't realize the real world has moved on.

And yet 27-year-old Diana in picket-line heels and black leather jacket (new to the contentious world of union struggles, she's reluctant to give her last name) is winning over the waverers.

“Do you just want higher wages?” an older woman demands. “Isn't it all about your salary?”

“No,” answers the young librarian. “It's about providing services to people and keeping what we have. They want to get rid of professional librarians. The quality of the libraries will go down.”

The older woman takes a flyer and walks away, possibly mollified, certainly better informed about the strikers' position.

Strikes may represent old-style unionism, but Diana at least seems content and engaged. “If you want to get something,” she says, talking over the repetitive bull-horn chants, “and if you want to be heard, then you have to fight for what you believe in.”

John Allemang is a Globe and Mail feature writer.


Now, I happen to believe in "free, collective bargaining," in enterprises because I understand that the value of labour to the enterprise must be set in the market so that it can be properly counted in the cost/price decisions. I also believe that trade unions have and continue to be important in areas like workplace health and safety.

My views on public sector unions are well known - I think that government, back in the 1960s and '70s, were inept bargainers. 50+ years ago public sector workers had, relative to the private sector, low wages but that was offset by an 'iron rice bowl,' near unbreakable job security.* After public sector unions were established they bargained for and gained** much higher wages but the government did not get any job security concessions. Now public sector workers are sometimes (often?) paid more than their private sector confreres in roughly equivalent jobs and they still have the old, 1950s style iron rice bowl.

Private sector unions unions are between a rock and a hard place; public sector unions are an economic mistake.


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*  The old Honest John surface to surface missile (which we had back in the 1960s) was sometimes called the civil servant because "it doesn't work and you can't fire it."
** And let us be very clear that those public sector unions also, de facto, bargained for the CF - because CF salaries were (still are?) benchmarked against public sector salaries. I can guarantee that no one, including me, was complaining about us, and by extension the public sector, being overpaid.
 
>It’s a fact. Canada has a smaller federal government than it did in the Roaring Twenties.

Misleading GIGO.  Measuring public spending as a share of GDP fails to take into account the relative change in GDP.  Colloquially, the pie is a lot bigger.  In particular, the sensible comparison is to adjust per capita GDP into constant dollars (benchmarked to any year you choose).  If GDP per capita in constant dollars multiplied by 10 and government's share of spending of GDP fell by half, spending would still be 5 times higher than it was.

Example:

Canada, 1969, per capita GDP in 2005 USD: $17,361
Canada, 2011, per capita GDP in 2005 USD: $36,122

GoC Fiscal References Tables, expenses as % of GDP
1969-1970: 17.4%
2011-2011: 16.6%

17.4% of $17,361 = $3,020
16.6% of $36,122 = $5,996

Additional premise: the 1920s economy was not as robust as the 1969 economy.  Conclusion: Canada does NOT have a smaller federal government than it did during the Roaring Twenties.  It may have a federal government which "spends less as a share of GDP", but so what?  The ideal limit of conscription for public purposes should be "as little as possible".

Idiot dunces Innumerate people Those who are unwilling to discuss "facts" meaningfully or who are at risk of ignorantly - albeit perhaps unintentionally - spreading propaganda, should stick to gossip.  Alternatively, if they wish to write about "relative" size of government, they should take great pains not to drop the qualifier "relative" and to stress its meaning repeatedly for the benefit of readers who might not notice the subtle shift in meaning when "relative" is dropped and the writer continues bleating about "a smaller government".
 
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