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Stephen Harper's turn
Every prime minister has a chance to remake Canada in his image and it's not too early to see this one's direction
BRIAN FLEMMING
Special to Globe and Mail Update
June 5, 2007 at 1:10 AM EDT
When you are elected prime minister, you get the chance, like the God of Genesis, to remake your country in your own image.
With his Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Pierre Trudeau, the constitutional lawyer, changed Canada forever. Business-oriented Brian Mulroney negotiated a North American free trade deal that permanently altered the Canadian economy. A modest small-towner, Jean Chrétien, successfully pulled the country from an economic swamp.
It's too early to hand Stephen Harper a final report card on how his character has changed Canada. But it's not too early to discern some of the directions in which he is taking the country.
There's no question Mr. Harper's first year in government was a success. He delivered on his five-point election platform with a decisiveness that impressed Canadians. For a brief, shining moment, his poll numbers predicted he might get his holy grail of a majority.
Lately, however, the wheels have been falling off his minority government. Today, he and his front bench want nothing more than for Canada's dysfunctional Parliament to pack up and go home for the summer.
Between a spring prorogation and a fall throne speech, the Prime Minister must pull his government back together, because it is likely to last for another 21/2 years, due to recent changes in Canada's electoral laws.
Parliament is now chained to a fixed election date in late 2009. Unlike all his predecessors, Mr. Harper cannot go to the Governor-General and ask for an election writ. The only way Canada can have a general election now is if a vote of non-confidence brings Mr. Harper down.
Getting that vote won't be easy, because with 125 Conservatives in our 308-seat Parliament, it will take 154 votes to defeat him. The 100 Liberals cannot combine with 49 Bloquistes to do it. Nor can the 29 New Democrats join with the Liberals or the Bloc separately to defeat the government. There are also three independents and two vacant seats, but it will take a simultaneous descent into insanity by all three opposition parties, voting together, to trigger an election.
Mr. Harper will have to withdraw the infamous handbook his office recently distributed on how to make Parliament not work and replace it with one showing how it can work — until 2009.
If he wants to succeed, he'll have to treat the Senate with more respect, rather than imposing his undemocratic, Reformist ideology on the Red Chamber and failing to fill its vacancies.
Sections 24 and 32 of the Constitution Act require Mr. Harper to fill those seats — language that is mandatory, not enabling. The government has a "constitutional duty to appoint qualified persons to the Senate," Senators Tommy Banks and Wilfred Moore noted in a recent debate, accusing the Prime Minister of Öwilfully breaking the law, not just exercising a valid policy option.
But there are currently 12 openings, including three from Nova Scotia — 30 per cent of the province's constitutionally guaranteed number. The Maritime provinces are currently missing 20 per cent of their constitutionally allotted number of senators, more than any other part of Canada — a reflection of how Mr. Harper has written off this region politically.
By 2009, one-third of Canada's Senate seats could be unfilled. Mr. Moore suggested this might be Mr. Harper's sneaky way of rebalancing it so underrepresented provinces like Alberta and British Columbia achieve parity.
If our stubborn, secretive Prime Minister continues to refuse to appoint senators, the Supreme Court of Canada should be asked for a declaratory judgment on the subject: That would set the constitutional cats among Mr. Harper's populist pigeons.
Mr. Harper must be forced to play his Senate cards in a transparent way, not in the shadows. Above all, he must be forced to reform the Senate in a lawful manner, and not emulate the disastrous way in which Tony Blair tried to change Britain's House of Lords.
In any case, Mr. Harper's character is already dictating Canada's constitutional destiny, if not the very stability of Parliament. Avert your eyes: It won't be a pretty sight.
Brian Flemming writes for The Daily News of Halifax. He was an adviser to Pierre Trudeau.