RangerRay said:...and the NDP has not grown beyond their traditional ~40%...
Stephen Harper's census
JOE FRIESEN
From Saturday's Globe and Mail
Published Saturday, Feb. 04, 2012
Stephen Harper owes his success in no small part to his mastery of demographics, having tailored his election platform to winning enough seats in key pockets of Ontario and elsewhere to achieve a majority.
Now, the renowned tactician has turned his attention to a grand vision, a once-in-a-generation kind of reform that would change how we save for retirement, whom we admit to the country and how we orient our economic policy.
Speaking in Davos, Switzerland, last week, Mr. Harper said Canada's aging population threatens our cherished social programs. He thrust obscure stats such as the old-age-dependency ratio to centre stage, promised to overhaul our immigration system and strongly hinted at raising the age of eligibility for old-age security.
These are transformative changes, the kind that can't be executed without a good deal of persuasion. The Prime Minister will get some ammunition on Wednesday. That's when the first results of the 2011 census are released. Every census is used for political purposes, but this one will be the most significant in a generation. It will be the evidence Mr. Harper relies on to advance an austerity agenda.
Mr. Harper has indicated that he wants to cut now to prepare for the coming bulge of baby boomers, the first of whom are now turning 65, and whose number and influence will be reflected in upcoming census releases. He will argue that they pose a threat to Canada's financial security, and their appetite for the pensions and health care they have been promised certainly will prove expensive.
The census will also help Mr. Harper as he seeks to push closer links with Asia. In his Davos speech, he promised to explore other markets for oil after the Keystone pipeline setback, as well as free trade with India. He visits China next week. The westward momentum of the population and its growing human ties to Asia through immigration will create further impetus for Canada's Pacific reorientation.
The question is whether Mr. Harper can address these national challenges while holding together the hard-won coalition he built into a majority government. After finally persuading enough of Atlantic Canada and Ontario to join his western-based Conservative Party, he could alienate voters in those provinces by turning a deaf ear to local concerns. Atlantic Canada is aging and Ontario's share of immigration is tumbling. A failure to deal with either of those could have major economic consequences.
At the same time, the aging of the population is tearing at the national compact. The Constitution promises “reasonably comparable levels of public services at reasonably comparable levels of taxation.”
It's hard to imagine that will be the case in provinces whose horizons differ as much as Alberta and Nova Scotia.
The first volley in this battle was launched last month over health care. The most forceful objection to the Prime Minister's new deal on health transfer payments – a straight 6-per-cent increase based on population – came from British Columbia. Premier Christy Clark argued that B.C. and Atlantic Canada would suffer if the funding formula did not compensate provinces, like B.C., that have a higher proportion of old people. Meanwhile, Alberta, which has Canada's youngest population, would be nearly $1-billion a year richer under the new formula.
The straightforward per-capita grant fits with Mr. Harper's view of a decentralized Canada, where the federal government doles out money and the provinces decide how to use it. The Prime Minister is a bit of a puzzle in this: The same man who told an audience in Switzerland that demographics threaten our social programs was apparently unable to see the sense in a more detailed demographic argument from Victoria.
Gone west
The census will show that population growth in Canada is shifting westward to the resource-rich economies, as it usually does when oil prices are high. Increasingly, that trend seems permanent. In 2010, nearly every city in the West grew at a rate above the national average, while only nine of the 25 cities from Ontario east could claim the same. And while every province worries about the costs of an aging population, some provinces are older than others. To compound their problems, the oldest provinces also tend to be the worst off.
The cleavage runs more or less along the Ontario-Manitoba boundary. In the West, Alberta is a behemoth. It has the highest proportion of people of working age and the lowest proportion of seniors. With a little more than 10 per cent of Canada's population, it contributes more than 16 per cent to the national gross domestic product. Its median age is the lowest in the country. Once mocked for its parochialism, it now attracts one in 10 immigrants to the country.
Manitoba and Saskatchewan are home to some of the country's fastest-growing communities. Winnipeg's share of immigrants soared by 88 per cent from 2006 to 2011, compared with the 2001-06 period. Saskatoon and Regina exploded with immigration growth of 180 per cent and 162 per cent, respectively, in that time. The delivery rooms of local hospitals are also proportionally busier than in the rest of Canada, since the highest birth rates are on the Prairies. Saskatchewan, long a net loser of population, will probably trail only Alberta in population growth this time.
Atlantic Canada, conversely, is by far Canada's oldest region. Despite some recent immigration gains, the median age is three to four years older than the rest of the country. That bodes ill. All four provinces have median ages well into the 40s, above the national average, with Newfoundland the highest at 43.8.
The future
Consider for a moment what the federation might look like in 20 years when the baby boomers have all turned 65. Somewhere between a quarter and a third of Atlantic Canada will be over 65. The preponderance of white hair on the street will be slightly surreal. There will be about two people of working age to support each retiree. Health-care costs will devour provincial budgets. Nursing homes will be the new fishery. That also has consequences for the younger generation – older voters are less likely to demand investments in education and innovation. Their horizons tend to be shorter.
Meanwhile, Ontario, for so long the linchpin of economic growth in Confederation, is showing signs of decline. It has lost more than 300,000 manufacturing jobs since 2000 and watched its share of the national immigration pie drop to nearly 40 per cent from 60 per cent in just five years. About two-thirds of Canadian population growth is due to immigration, the other third to births (the reverse is true for the U.S.), which is why Ontario has for years been one of the fastest-growing provinces. Those immigrants, typically younger and better educated than the rest of the Canadian population, contributed to the province's growth and were a sign of its prosperity. Now, Ontario might actually see its rate of population growth drop below the national average, a symbolic threshold.
Quebec has also suffered economically and for years welcomed less than its proportional share of newcomers. As it continues to grow more slowly than other parts of Canada, its relative influence in Confederation dwindles, fuelling its existential angst. The sovereigntist movement might be quiet for now, but will it be in 10 years?
Keeping these regional interests from boiling over will be Mr. Harper's challenge. His first test came from the premiers on health care. In that case, his vision demanded that every province be treated the same. The danger of that philosophy is it could make them more different than ever.
Joe Friesen is The Globe and Mail's demographics reporter.
The McGuinty syndrome
National Post · Feb. 4, 2012 | Last Updated: Feb. 4, 2012 5:15 AM ET
Ontario voters and taxpayers can be forgiven if they've awakened to the sense that they've been badly duped.
During October's provincial election campaign, they were repeatedly told that the province faces five years of deficits, but that Liberal Finance Minister Dwight Duncan has a plan to eliminate it, and that Premier Dalton McGuinty was determined to make the "tough decisions" to make that plan a success.
On Thursday they learned that the situation was far worse than the government let on. A new report from the Conference Board of Canada suggests the chances of Ontario balancing its books by 2016-17 as promised are slim to none. Only by projecting unrealistic levels of growth could Messrs. Duncan and McGuinty make that claim, the Conference Board says. The reality is that growth is likely to be much slower, and for an extended period of time, due to the aging population, a slowing manufacturing sector and a shaky U.S. economy.
As reported in the National Post on Friday, the Conference Board says it's unlikely the budget will be balanced before 2021-22 - i.e. a full decade from now - even if we make the questionable assumption that the Ontario government will stick to an aggressive campaign of spending-reduction. To balance the books by 2017, program spending growth would have to be limited to 0.7% a year, this from a government that has increased spending by more than 6% a year every year since it came to power. Even if growth in health and education spending is limited to increases caused by inflation, demographic changes and population increases, Ontario won't achieve a balanced budget by 2031. The alternative is regular tax increases (perhaps even a doubling of the provincial share of the HST) and cuts to health care.
Anyone familiar with the McGuinty government knows it is not likely to admit to any of this. Since it first came to power eight years ago, its modus operandi has been to ignore its promises, backtrack on pledges, cancel ill-advised initiatives and hide the evidence of programs gone wrong. When it's warned that there's trouble ahead, it forges on anyway until disaster itself forces a halt. When proof of its bumbling emerges despite its best efforts, Mr. McGuinty shrugs, offers a few sunny platitudes and vows that he's determined to put it right, because it's never too late to make the right decision.
It's a pattern Mr. McGuinty has stuck to through thick and thin. Unable to meet a vow to hold the line on public sector contracts, the government engaged in voodoo accounting to keep the truth from public view. Warned that an ill-advised foray into private enterprise at its air ambulance service was heading for trouble, the province plowed ahead nonetheless until newspaper revelations forced a sharp retreat and an embarrassing rash of firings.
Even Mr. McGuinty's approach to solving his deficit dilemma reflects his extreme reluctance to face up to problems. With the shortfalls piling up, the Premier appointed economist Don Drummond to assess the situation and propose solutions. Mr. Drummond's findings are due soon, but regular leaks and interviews with the author have made clear that proposals will include sweeping changes to the way the province operates, including a wholesale revamping of health care. The Premier, who has seen the report, is now using it as a foil to protect himself from a backlash when the full details are released.
Observers have noted that the shield represented by the Drummond report is good news for Ontarians, because it might give the Premier the courage to take the steps it contains (which Mr. Drummond has acknowledged will be unpopular). While true, that in itself is a sad statement on the future Ontarians face and the nature of Mr. McGuinty's leadership. Only when he's driven the economy to the point of ruin can the Premier bring himself to acknowledge the situation and take some steps to remedy it, and only because a third-party report compiled by a former federal civil servant spells out in unflinching detail just how awful Liberal rule has been for the province's finances.
Don't expect a show of regret from Mr. McGuinty, though. Even after eight years, and with four more ahead of him, the Premier is not one to accept responsibility for anything negative that's happened in that period. This is a government that inherited a deficit of $5-billion, has tripled it in eight years and insists it's all the fault of other people and other countries. We'll get the firm brow, the look of determination and another display of the McGuinty command of platitudes. Because it's never too late to make the right decision.
PMO Info-machine, 5 Feb 12Prime Minister Stephen Harper announced today that a by-election will be held on March 12, 2012 in the riding of Toronto-Danforth (Ontario).
Does the state have a role in promoting married family life?
JOHN IBBITSON
Globe and Mail Update
Published Tuesday, Feb. 07, 2012
Statistics Canada will reveal the state of our nation, Wednesday, by releasing the first results from the 2011 census, focusing on population trends. There are those who believe the numbers will prove our country is committing demographic suicide.
The Institute of Marriage and Family Canada – it will not shock you to hear they are socially conservative – released an internationally co-authored report Monday arguing for urgent government action to promote larger families and two-parent households.
Actually, Bradford Wilcox, a University of Virginia sociologist who co-authored the study, expects to see Statscan report a slight uptick in Canada’s birthrate.
But two facts remain: First, our underfunded pension schemes and skyrocketing health-care costs stem in part from the simple fact that, sometime around 1970, Canadians stopped having the necessary 2.1 children per woman needed to sustain the population.
Second, an increasing number of children are raised in single-parent environments, which places them at greater risk of poverty, poor nutrition and inadequate education.
“Although there are always exceptions ... most scientists who study these questions would say that the stable two-parent family is better than the alternative,” Prof. Wilcox observes.
For the authors of The Sustainable Demographic Dividend, government tax policies should encourage couples to have children; child care subsidies should allow women to balance work and parenting in whatever way most suits them; government advertising campaigns should promote the advantages of married family life (the authors cite studies showing married couples are more likely to stay together than those who cohabit), just as previous campaigns warned against cigarette smoking or driving while impaired.
The Harper government hears this message, which is why it prefers direct child care grants to parents rather than subsidies for daycare centres, and is promising income-splitting for families with children once the budget is balanced. (This will allow parents to pool their income for tax purposes.) Many of these policies infuriate those who have fought for women’s equality. But in terms of pure social utility, the family-values crowd has a point.
The decision by couples across the developed world to have fewer children was, for decades, a social blessing. It gave women the freedom to work, it increased family income, and it allowed parents and governments to lavish resources on those children who were around, leading to improved education and productivity.
But we’re paying a price for all those children who weren’t born, because today they’re not working and paying taxes and contributing to pension plans. They’re not buying houses and cars and sofas. They aren’t inventing anything or starting up new businesses or writing songs. They are a generation of potential, lost.
Canada has covered part of the gap through immigration. But we would have to take in many times the 250,000 or so people who come here every year to fully replace the missing children.
For many people, it’s worth delaying retirement and paying more for health care in exchange for the social revolution that a declining birth rate made possible.
Yes, growing up in a stable household with a mother and father committed to each other is the best world for a child. But being able to have and raise a child outside marriage, or on your own completely, or in a gay relationship, without being branded by an intolerant community is just as important. Security matters, but so does diversity.
But balance matters, too. Why should government policies favour working parents over those where one chooses to stay home to focus on the children? Why shouldn’t parents have the flexibility and freedom to choose the child care they prefer?
Though the idea of a government advertising campaign promoting married families still feels deeply weird.
So, if you can't get the fathers to do their duty, we throw the moms & kids to the wolves?E.R. Campbell said:.... The second way to make fewer single families is to require fathers (and maybe grandparents) to assume responsibility for their children - much, much easier said than done, I am sure.
A potential third way is to cut off welfare payments - to force young women and their babies out on to the streets, to sink/starve or swim without public support. Maybe young women will learn that the best birth control pill is an aspirin clutched firmly between the knees ....
milnews.ca said:So, if you can't get the fathers to do their duty, we throw the moms & kids to the wolves?
Perhaps, but it's a bit of an unbalanced incentive scheme there. Young dads do nothing to support their kids? Nothing happens to them. Young moms can't get dads to do anything? Out you go. Someone more left-of-centre than I could suggest that this makes it look like it's the young mom's fault, given she faces the harsher punishment than the other half.E.R. Campbell said:It's a bit cold, I admit, but I have heard of "welfare families" where three single mothers (that means four generations!) live together and the oldest, the new great grandmother, is not yet 60! If that's true then whatever we are doing now isn't working.
dapaterson said:The problem is that "available national childcare" quickly becomes "mandatory national childcare". And that is a massive intrusion into people's private lives, with great potential for misuse and abuse - on the physical and moral planes.
milnews.ca said:Perhaps, but it's a bit of an unbalanced incentive scheme there. Young dads do nothing to support their kids? Nothing happens to them. Young moms can't get dads to do anything? Out you go. Someone more left-of-centre than I could suggest that this makes it look like the young mom's fault, given she faces the harsher punishment than the other half.
No question, hence the need for dual sticks (no pun intended), not just unilateral ones.E.R. Campbell said:
milnews.ca said:Perhaps, but it's a bit of an unbalanced incentive scheme there. Young dads do nothing to support their kids? Nothing happens to them. Young moms can't get dads to do anything? Out you go. Someone more left-of-centre than I could suggest that this makes it look like the young mom's fault, given she faces the harsher punishment than the other half.
CountDC said:lol extreme measures!
Childcare for the welfare - seen it done with a friend of my wife. She got childcare for her son, no cut in welfare payments and she had to do.....nothing. If they want to go with the national program then they certainly have to make sure something is in place to prevent abuse.