Boater said:Catch up as in; socially, economically, militarily, or politically?
Power is the ability to define and achieve one's goals, especially relative to the capacity of others to define and achieve their own. Over 40 years ago, the sociologist Amitai Etzioni broke down the concept of power according to the means employed to exercise it: coercion, material inducement, or intellectual motivation. Power can be constraining, remunerative, or normative -- expressing, to put it crudely, guns, money, or ideas.
The second biggest issue of the 21st century
The Chinese state media agency Xinhua has admitted that China gender imbalance is growing deeper:
A report released here Thursday said there will be 30 million more males of marriageable age in China than females by the year 2020, which will make it difficult for men to find wives.
The report, issued by the State Population and Family Planning Commission, said China's sex ratio for newborn babies in 2005 was 118 boys to 100 girls, compared with 110:100 in 2000. In some regions, the sex ratio has reached 130:100.
The Chinese Communist government has decided this is a bad thing, but that their brutal family planning policies had nothing to do with it.
The report predicted that in the year 2020, Chinese men of marriageable age will find it difficult to find wives, especially those with low income or little education. This will create social instability.
Liu said the sex ratio imbalance was not connected to China's family planning policy. "It is more a result of the deep-rooted notion in Chinese culture that men are superior to women," she said.
It's hard to imagine what China will be like when there are four men to every three women. I'm very pro-woman myself; I believe that those of the female gender contribute much more to the 'glue' that binds civilization together. Single men are capable of all kinds of trouble -- especially in groups -- but when matched with women they become contributing members of society. Without women, these unmatched Chinese men will be attracted to gangs or aggressive political movements.
I'm also of the opinion that the booming Chinese economy is due to throw a piston in the next five years. Too much of the business of the country is driven by state-managed industry and financing, and not enough by real demand. It will run into trouble for the same reasons that Japan's government-managed economy fell flat fifteen years ago. Will Hutton summarizes it like this:
China's economic growth is based on the state channelling vast under-priced savings into huge investment projects driven by cheap labour. Some 200m of China's 760m workforce are migrant peasants employed in factories, construction sites and offices in its new towns and cities—the biggest migration in history. The Communist party has permitted free movement of prices, encourages profit-seeking and has sharply lowered tariffs on imports and obstacles to inward investment. Its success in creating annual growth of some 9.5 per cent for a generation, lifting 400m people out of poverty, is widely acknowledged. But the party keeps firm control of ownership, wages and company strategies—and of the state. In other words, China occupies an uneasy halfway house between socialism and capitalism; its private sector, although growing, is still puny. It is a system of Leninist corporatism—and it is this that is breaking down. (Interpolation: this halfway house is known in correctly political terms as Fascism)
The breaches in the model are all around. How much longer can China's state-owned banks carry on directing billions of dollars of savings into investments that produce tiny or even negative returns and on which interest is irregularly paid? Poor peasants' ability to create the savings needed to fuel growth is reaching its limits. And in any case, for how long can a $2 trillion economy save at more than 40 per cent of GDP? It is reaching the limit of its capacity to increase exports (which in 2007 will surpass $1 trillion) by 25 per cent a year; at this rate of growth they will reach $5 trillion by 2020 or sooner, representing more than half of today's world trade. Is that likely? Are there sufficient ships and ports to move such volumes—and will western markets stay open without real reciprocity on trade? Every year China acquires $200bn of foreign exchange reserves, mainly dollars, as it rigs its currency to keep its exports competitive. It is absurd for a poor country like China to be lending to a rich one like the US; in fact, it is unsustainable, and the financial markets seem to agree.
China would like to lower the current feverish growth rates, but the tools available in the west—raising taxes, cutting spending and lifting interest rates—are not available to China. The party dare not trigger protests by raising taxes; officials in state enterprises and provincial governments ignore orders to lower spending because their careers depend on generating growth and jobs. And raising interest rates could create a credit crunch as loans go sour.
Chinese history is remarkably consistent. China is always united under one dynasty, which grows corrupt and weak. Sparks erupt in the backwaters -- minor revolts against local rulers -- but most are snuffed out. But eventually one catches fire and starts to claim more territory until a new dynasty is founded. In this way the Ming were replaced by the Qing, who were replaced by the Kuomintang, who were replaced by the Communists. In each of those transitions, there was a huge loss of life.
With the growing gender imbalance and the teetering economy, the groundwork is definitely in place for a dynastic change. And it's not going to be pretty.
China's WEF envoy sees space weaponizing
By EDITH M. LEDERER, Associated Press Writer
Fri Jan 26, 1:47 PM ET
DAVOS, Switzerland - A senior Chinese military officer predicts that weapons will be deployed in outer space despite the government's long-standing desire to prevent an arms race in space.
Yao Yunzhu, a senior colonel in the People's Liberation Army, brought up China's recent successful test of an anti-satellite weapon during a World Economic Forum dinner Thursday focusing on North Korea.
"My wish is we really want to keep space as a peaceful place for human beings," she said, adding that China would like all countries to come to a consensus that space should be used only for peaceful purposes.
"But personally, I'm pessimistic about it," said Yao, 52, who directs the Asia-Pacific Office at the Academy of Military Science in Beijing. "My prediction: Outer space is going to be weaponized in our lifetime."
Yao's remarks were the first time a member of the Chinese military has commented on the test. The only other official comment, from the Foreign Ministry, offered the barest confirmation and repeated stock positions about China's wish to keep space free of weapons.
"This isn't the act of a country who remains fiercely committed to peace and harmony in the world," said Adm. Timothy Keating, commander of U.S. Northern Command. "This is a cause for concern ... In executing this test they have created potential significant problems for international space flight."
Keating told the Associated Press in an interview this week that there are ongoing worries that such tests have other consequences "intended or otherwise," that China must realize, including possible damage to other satellites or the Space Station by debris.
He added that the U.S. does not now plan a direct response to the test, but "there are a number of things that are on the list of potential military options" if it happens again.
The Jan. 11 test sparked criticism from the United States and Japan, and raised concerns over the rising militarization of space. Analysts said it also represented an indirect threat to U.S. efforts to remain predominant in space and on the ground — because it raised the possibility that the network of U.S. spy satellites could be shot down.
The U.S. military has had the capability to shoot down satellites since the 1980s. Russia has a similar capacity, and now China is the third potential military power in space.
China confirmed the test on Tuesday, but did not provide details — and neither did Yao. The magazine Aviation Week, which first reported the test, said the satellite was hit by a kinetic kill vehicle launched from a ballistic missile.
China's long-standing policy was to ban weapons in space, Yao said, noting that Russia and China presented a draft outline for a treaty to prevent the deployment of weapons in space to the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva in June 2002.
The United States objected at the time, saying the 1967 Outer Space Treaty provided sufficient guarantees against the weaponization of space. The Russians countered that while the 1967 treaty banned weapons of mass destruction in space, it did not contain any legal barriers to putting other weapons in orbit around the Earth.
Without naming any country, but in an apparent reference to the United States, Yao said if there's going to be "a space superpower, it's not going to be alone, and China is not going to be the only one."
"It will have company," she said.
Her rank of senior colonel is equivalent to that of a brigadier or one-star general in the U.S. military. She belongs to a small group of fluent English speakers the usually secretive People's Liberation Army uses to deal with foreigners.
tomahawk6 said:The Chinese cannot win a "space race" with the US. The problem for the US and the west in general is that we are too reliant on space based systems from GPS to weather.To blind US satellites should be considered an act of war and cause an immediate launch of ICBM's. The Chinese know that this is the achilles heel of the US but we need to let our potential enemies know that to attack a US satellite should be cause for an immediate nuclear attack which hopefully would be a deterrant.
tomahawk6 said:The Chinese cannot win a "space race" with the US.
tomahawk6 said:... The problem for the US and the west in general is that we are too reliant on space based systems from GPS to weather ...
tomahawk6 said:... To blind US satellites should be considered an act of war and cause an immediate launch of ICBM's. The Chinese know that this is the achilles heel of the US but we need to let our potential enemies know that to attack a US satellite should be cause for an immediate nuclear attack which hopefully would be a deterrant.
Bert said:...
There are various methods the US can protect its satellite fleets in orbit. Unfortunately, orbital space
is limited. Injecting vast amounts of satellites will pollute the region and make it a nightmare for
navigation and potential collisions. The space race is best done with international cooperation
but probably not as the article suggests.
...
Underneath China's gold-lamé robes is a poor servant
DOUG SAUNDERS
LONDON -- We are living in the age of the heroic continent -- a time when enormous land masses, packed with hundreds of millions of people, are casually transformed into celebrities, major and minor. They are glamorous individuals, sometimes fabulous and sometimes dangerously flawed, imbued with human characteristics and superhuman powers.
In dinner conversations and opinion-page prognostications, we talk casually about India's courageous leap, South America's well-meaning error, Africa's fatal misstep. We collect them as if they were action figures, and play them off against each other.
All this metaphoric pressure makes it difficult to talk realistically about the actual state of life in the world's largest entities. Notably, when the word "China" is almost always preceded or followed by the word "rising," and often accompanied by the word "superpower," when we automatically assume that China is on the verge of becoming the world's mightiest power, for better or worse.
We make certain assumptions about China: Because it has seen an annual growth rate of more than 9 per cent for the past 30 years, because it has lifted 400 million of its citizens out of poverty and because it now exports a trillion dollars worth of products every year and owns the lion's share of America's consumer and mortgage debt, we assume that China must be following the path that Europe and then the United States once did: toward dominance of the world.
But a small circle of well-informed people are painting quite a different picture of China, stripping the gold-lamé robes away from its imperial figure and examining the actual decisions being made by the specific actors behind the curtain. China is not by any stretch a superpower, they argue -- it is a crude manufacturing economy built on monetary legerdemain, without any capability for economic or ideological leadership.
This case is strongly argued in a new book by British economic writer Will Hutton. The Writing on the Wall: China and the West in the Twenty-First Century offers a fascinating antidote to all those magazine cover stories about the Next Great Superpower and the Emerging Colossus. In an extremely detailed scrutiny of the Chinese corporation, he finds almost nothing that could be described as a sustainable economy. "There are no Chinese brands in the world's top hundred; and so far only two Chinese companies -- Huawei and Lenovo -- both very small -- can be called genuine multinationals," writes Mr. Hutton, a respected former editor of the Observer newspaper and head of the Work Foundation think tank.
China, he observes, has failed to develop a genuine entrepreneurial economy -- all but 15 per cent of its firms are state-controlled, and even the "private" firms are prisoners of the state; it relies on the West for inventiveness and entrepreneurship, largely because it "has developed neither a viable concept of the company nor the institutional network to support a company."
This is not an argument for simple free-market economics; Mr. Hutton is a left-wing economist, one of the authors of Britain's social-democratic transformation under the Labour Party. The most impressive thing about his book is that he proves, using a huge weight of evidence, that China's authoritarian government and state-run economy are not just annoying carbuncles on the side of a booming economy -- or, as some on the far left would argue, necessary tools for the growth of capital in the early stages of development. Rather, they are the specific impediments that prevent China from becoming anything more than a poor servant of the world's economy.
"Some people have called me a monotheist, Western, Anglo-Saxon liberal forcing my views on China, but that's not it -- these are basic facts of the economy," Mr. Hutton said in an interview this week. "China will fail unless it develops civil rights, guarantees of minimum living standards through a universalistic welfare state, property rights, education. These are what you have to endow individual citizens with in a functioning capitalist liberal democracy. Some say, 'You're trying to thrust Western values on China.' And I would say that I regard pluralism, justification and investment in human capabilities as universal human appetites."
His argument is drawn from the fundamentals of China's success story. Its industry is almost entirely dependent on two things: an artificially undervalued currency driving vast export sales, and finance from state-run banks, which draw their funds from the enormous savings of 900 million Chinese peasants, who rarely buy anything and put away most of their earnings.
Those bank loans are a disaster waiting to happen: A third or more of them, valued at $900-billion, have been deemed non-performing -- in other words, they won't be repaid. This is one element in a market-like economy burdened by all the worst features of a government-run system: From 13 to 17 per cent of the country's gross domestic product each year is lost to corruption; it takes $4 in investment to create $1 in return (many times higher than the rate in any other industrialized country).
The rural economy is shrinking, and the artificially low currency combined with the complete lack of a domestic economy is going to create enormous inflation. The only way to prevent this is to shift the country's savings abroad -- which would collapse the finance system -- or allow the currency to reflect its actual value. This is the disaster that beset Japan in the 1980s, and it has taken 15 years to recover.
Japan's recovery was a result of its strong domestic economy: People started buying things, and companies started making money. But China can't seem to break through that wall. This is where Mr. Hutton's argument is strongest. China's peasants and poor workers don't buy things, he demonstrates, because their country offers no pensions, hardly any public medical care, very little free education, and no welfare protections. That, combined with the disastrous one-child-per-family policy, means that Chinese use their earnings to protect themselves against future risk. They don't dare spend, because they don't have the basic guarantees and social protections that are the backbone of a functioning market.
"In order to lower the savings rate, you've got to do two things: You've got to provide a cradle-to-grave welfare state, and you've got to provide property rights," he says "In other words, you've got to give people capabilities. And you've got to have pensions and free health care for your kids and free education until you're 16. Otherwise, people will just save, colossally, and they won't create a domestic consumer market."
This should be no source of relief, since so much of our well-being is tied up with China's success (and we sure don't want the place to become an angry nationalist closed economy, as it was under Mao). But I'm persuaded by Mr. Hutton's argument: If this century is actually going to be China's century, then China is going to have to become a lot less like China, and a lot more like the rest of us. If you're one of the country's billion poor, harassed people, that should be welcome news.
karl28 said:Maby Taiwan should consider trying to by some of the US Los Angeles class attack subs when they are retired and phased out by the newer Virginia class subs