An article I agree with.
http://nationalpost.pressreader.com/national-post-latest-edition/20190402
What Liberals want you to believe about SNC-Lavalin - National Post - 2 Apr 19 - KELLY MCPARLAND
HOW IS IT THAT NEITHER BUTTS NOR TRUDEAU REALIZED SOMETHING WAS BADLY AMISS
In order to believe Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s version of his dispute with his former attorney general, you have to accept that an astonishing series of missteps, misunderstandings and lost opportunities were entirely innocent.
You have to believe that when Jody Wilson- Raybould told Trudeau in September that she had made up her mind and would not interfere with the decision to proceed with a prosecution against SNC -Lavalin, he either didn’t grasp what she was saying, or didn’t accept how serious she was.
You have to trust that none of the numerous complaints she made over the ensuing weeks, warning that the pressure being exerted was inappropriate and had to stop, made it through to Trudeau.
You have to consider it wholly believable that Gerald Butts, the political whizz-kid and guru considered the brains behind the throne, likewise missed or misinterpreted the signals, and didn’t alert his boss that they had a real problem.
You have to find nothing odd in the fact none of the supposedly highly- skilled and politically adept people surrounding Trudeau appreciated the severity of the warning Wilson- Raybould was making: that if Trudeau used his office to muscle a subordinate to interfere in the independence of the public prosecutor, he was racing headlong towards a cliff and was taking his government with him.
Even though Wilson- Raybould says she has “documented evidence” to the contrary, you have to believe that the Prime Minister’s Office never received the formal explanation — known as a Section 13 — outlining the reasoning for going ahead with the Lavalin prosecution, and that, in all the months of back- and- forth among ministers, their staff and the PMO, no one took the time to acquaint Trudeau with the contents of that report.
If you want to agree with complaints that the whole affair has been overblown, you need to accept at face value the apparent inability of Michael Wernick, supposedly among the top minds in the civil service, to understand why Wilson- Raybould refused to use the “tools” she had at her disposal to halt the prosecution of SNC, even after she made crystal clear in their 17- minute phone conversation that using those tools would inevitably explode in the face of the government. And you need to take seriously Wernick’s claim that he didn’t pass on the message to Trudeau, despite specifically telling Wilson- Raybould he had to “report back,” because everyone left town the next day on a holiday.
This is the same Wernick, remember, who opened the conversation by warning that time was of the essence, that Trudeau was eager to find a solution, and had earlier testified that if she had concerns, the minister could have contacted Trudeau any time, at any hour, because he was always available.
It’s a lot to accept. But there’s even more to digest. For instance, how is it that neither Butts nor Trudeau realized something was badly amiss when Jane Philpott told them Wilson- Raybould might feel that shuffling her out of her job was punishment for refusing to cave to Trudeau’s demands? And how could they be shocked when Wilson- Raybould demurred from accepting a transfer to Indigenous Services, a post she’d made known she could never accept?
Is it really feasible that no one in the Liberal hierarchy foresaw that imposing limits on Wilson-raybould’s ability to testify before the justice committee would strike a negative chord with Canadians, or that letting Liberal MPS peremptorily shut down the committee in the wake of her testimony would only make things worse?
There are Liberals out there who insist they can buy the whole package, that accept Trudeau’s bland assurances over the minister’s detailed evidence. Somehow they can listen to the Wernick phone call and not see what’s going on: a minister being strong- armed by a powerful messenger armed with warnings that the boss is “going to find a way to get it done, one way or another.” They argue that Trudeau would never act in such a threatening manner, that it’s out of character.
But the truth is, it’s entirely in character, and the proof has been there all along, in multiple examples of Trudeau’s response to situations that try his patience. Such as when he elbowed his way across the Commons to berate a member of the opposition. Or the moment in Edmonton when he sarcastically suggested a woman use the term “peoplekind” rather than “mankind.” Or his determination to block students from summer jobs unless organizations employing them signed a statement attesting to support Liberal values.
Or his snarky response just last week to an inconvenient intruder at a Liberal fundraiser who tried to draw attention to the ongoing health problems at Grassy Narrows, a First Nations community long troubled by mercury poisoning. Over more than three years of working closely with Trudeau, Wilson- Raybould has had plenty of time to learn what lies beneath the pleasant image the prime minister works so hard to project. “I am not under any illusion how the prime minister … gets things that he wants,” she tells Wernick in their recorded phone call.
“I am having … thoughts of the Saturday Night Massacre here, Michael,” she confesses, alluding to Richard Nixon’s desperate effort to save himself from Watergate by taking a buzz saw to his justice department. “I am waiting for the … other shoe to drop.”
The shoe dropped a few weeks later, when she was ousted from her job, then resigned to make clear her differences with Trudeau. The prime minister’s version of her departure is that it resulted from an “erosion of trust” of which he was entirely unaware, in spite of the events of the previous three months, the warnings she issued, the stark alert issued to Wernick and the concerns raised by Philpott.
Maybe it’s possible that the prime minister really was caught off guard, that his aides and advisers failed to bring the danger to his attention. But if that’s the case, you have to ask yourself whether a government that could make so many errors in judgment, could miss so many signs of trouble, could press ahead with a bad idea even when one of its senior members is waving her arms and shouting “stop!” — you have to ask yourself whether a government so clumsy, myopic and accident prone has any business running the country.