Tom Kent was, in many ways, the author of Pierre Trudeau’s disastrous reign. He (Kent) was the intellectual instigator of the 1960 Kingston Conference that caused the Liberal Party of Canada to lurch to the left, in 1967-70, and to abandon the centre so carefully nurtured by Laurier, King, St Laurent and Pearson.
Here, reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions (§29) of the Copyright Act from today’s Globe and Mail, is Mr. Kent’s advice to Iggy:
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http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20090105.wcoliberals06/BNStory/politics/home
Dear Iggy, this is not a year for an election
TOM KENT
From Tuesday's Globe and Mail
January 6, 2009 at 12:00 AM EST
The 2008 federal election seemed remarkable for how little it changed. The Conservative government remained, the exchange of insults continued to substitute for parliamentary debate. But, in late November, reality struck. We have entered 2009 with politics transformed.
Two changes are most significant. Prime Minister Stephen Harper panicked so badly as to destroy, certainly for 2009 and likely forever, his chance of attaining a majority government. No less remarkably, the Liberal Party moved into the contemporary world: It invited its members to join in an exchange of opinions through the Internet.
This second revolution has some way yet to go. The current invitation from on high is for views on what to do about the economy. That is, for better or worse, Mr. Harper's business. The Official Opposition's job is constructive criticism. But proposing immediate alternatives is not the priority for which the Liberal Party needs the involvement of its diminished membership. Only its surviving elites and functionaries cling to the image of themselves as the natural governing party. Everyone else knows that their demoralized, distrusted party will be mended only if it has a replenished membership creatively involved in shaping policy for the next government, not second-guessing for today.
The delusions of Liberal leadership were paraded in the Liberal-NDP coalition agreement. When that was signed, my congratulations went to Ed Broadbent. It might be attacked as a pact with separatists, but, in truth, the political effect was to restore the NDP to the significance it lost when the Bloc Québécois became the third party in Parliament. If a coalition government could have succeeded under Stéphane Dion, the New Democrats would have gained the most in public credit.
If, alternatively, Mr. Harper could provoke an election now, he would almost certainly get the majority he longs for. Enough people would be sensibly reluctant to risk inexperienced leadership when economic peril looms. That reluctance will decline, however, as peril becomes reality. It is already too late for fiscal and monetary stimulus to save us from rising unemployment during much of 2009. The government of the day will bear increasing blame.
That burden is now securely on Mr. Harper's back. Prorogation of Parliament has removed his power to obtain an early election. Under our monarchical conventions, we do not know what condition may have been attached to the Governor-General's acceptance of the Prime Minister's plea for time. It should have been a warning that, if he came back wanting a dissolution within the next 18 months, it would be refused in favour of a coalition government.
Even if there was no precise warning, Mr. Harper must recognize this strong probability. Liberal Leader Michael Ignatieff will surely take care to sustain the coalition agreement. The NDP and the Bloc have nothing to lose by keeping it in place.
By thus firmly trapping himself in the hard times of 2009, Mr. Harper has given the Liberals' new leader an early opportunity to shine. Mr. Ignatieff can lay Liberal arrogance finally to rest. He can replace it by common sense. He has only to say, soon and firmly, that this is not the year for another election. We face prolonged uncertainty about jobs and incomes, about prices and savings. Adding political uncertainty to the mix could only worsen our economic troubles. A responsible opposition would recognize that, for the present, steadiness is more important than changing the government through the conflict of election campaigning.
Such a statement would not give Mr. Harper a blank cheque. Further outrages would compel the coalition to defeat the government. But short of those, it should be held accountable not through daily debate and polling, but after enough time for the people to remake their electoral assessment. The Liberal Party, meanwhile, will probe, question, suggest; and if the government nevertheless introduces measures that Liberals cannot support, they will as a party abstain.
There is little doubt most people would greet this with relief. How much the Liberals thereby gain would depend on another change in the nature of their leadership. Just as this is not the time for an election, it is also not the time for pronouncements from the top.
The party's need is renewal of strength from below, to engage its members in the making of policies for the times: policies rooted in awareness that the prosperity of an advanced economy depends on the widespread skills possible only in a society fostering equality of opportunities.
Such engagement of the membership has to come from discussion within constituency associations and the stimulation of country-wide thinking over the Internet. Mr. Ignatieff and his associates need to concentrate their own comments on the business of the day. On the Liberals' policy directions in 2009, they need the patience to say little and listen much. There is just a chance that, in 2010, we then might enjoy democratic politics addressed to the well-being of our society in this century.
Tom Kent served as principal assistant to prime minister Lester Pearson.
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He raises an intriguing point: we do not know what, if any condition Mme. Jean may have placed on her decision to prorogue parliament.
But, I think he is correct: IF Harper can engineer a defeat, soon, on grounds that would not compel Mme. Jean to offer the coalition an opportunity to govern, then he can win a majority in 2009. What might such a condition be? Perhaps on a budget that, demonstrably, meets pretty nearly all of the conditions imposed by Brison and McCallum (Ignatieff’s budget negotiating team). Perhaps on an issue that divides the coalition and the Liberal Party: such as national defence/national security or the Middle East crisis. (My guess is that Iggy and the St Laurent/Pearson/Turner/Martin rump he commands is offside from the Trudeau/Chrétien/Dion majority in the party.) A cleverly designed proposal to transform the armed forces - and spend money on the CF – or to re-engage in the Middle East, with a distinctly anti-Hamas/Hezbollah bias will infuriate the BQ and NDP and might provoke a revolt in the Liberal caucus if/when, as I expect would be the case, Iggy decided not to oppose such moves. Now, admittedly, it would take a combination of a large (50+) revolt and the strategic absence of several Tories to allow a BQ (49 votes), NDP (37) and disaffected Liberals to defeat the government, but …