- Reaction score
- 5,973
- Points
- 1,260
And, regarding those rolling polls: William Fox who authored the article that is reproduced below under the Fair Dealing provisions (§29) of the Copyright Act from todays’ Globe and Mail web site is the same Bill Fox who was Brian Mulroney’s press secretary back in the ‘80s. He is, therefore, a Tory partisan – like me – and you ought to take his views with a grain of salt, as you take mine.
That being said, what he suggests is interesting.
http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20080917.welectionmedia17/BNStory/politics/home
I’m not at all sure that I fully understand the power of communications – not just the obvious political bumph from the parties or the equally obvious media reports, but the subtle messages delivered by daily reports on the rolling polls and our reaction to them.
I think Fox has the question right: do we* want to give Harper a majority government? We are only ⅓ of the way through he campaign but I feel that Dion has already lost it. So, do we trust Harper enough? What’s more scary: Harper or the economic crisis?
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* By ‘we’ I means Canadians at large. About 38% of us Canadians are firmly in the “Yes! We want a majority Conservative government in 2008” camp already – that ‘we’ needs a few hundred thousand of our fellow citizens – mostly in Ontario and Québec - to make the same choice.
That being said, what he suggests is interesting.
http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20080917.welectionmedia17/BNStory/politics/home
Toronto, Atlantic Canada may be Dion's last battlegrounds
WILLIAM FOX
From Wednesday's Globe and Mail
September 17, 2008 at 7:38 AM EDT
William Fox, author of "Spin Wars," has been at both ends of the campaign plane and is a student of political communications.
The measure of Liberal Leader Stéphane Dion's stewardship of one of the world's most resilient political franchises will largely be determined by week's end.
Two major policy announcements - including a drug plan for Canadians coping with long-term illness - and a crucial tour through Atlantic Canada and the historically Liberal stronghold of Metro Toronto afford Mr. Dion his best, and perhaps last, shot at reversing the slide in Liberal support that has marked the campaign's early days.
Liberal organizers bemoan the fact that Mr. Dion's core message isn't getting through the filter of the mainstream press. There have been some successes at the margins. The Atlantic Canada tour allowed reporters covering the Liberal Leader to discuss the possibility of Liberal gains without straining credulity. The credit crunch that triggered the collapse of venerable Wall Street institutions gave Mr. Dion a hook to remind voters of the robust economy and budget surpluses that were a feature of the Chrétien-Martin years. Appearances by star candidates Bob Rae, Scott Brison and Michael Ignatieff underscored the strength of the Liberal brand.
But Mr. Dion, like many party leaders before him, is hostage to a campaign practice known as horse-race coverage.
Former prime minister Kim Campbell once famously said election campaigns are no time to talk policy. Mr. Dion is finding out firsthand that Ms. Campbell was at least partly correct.
The Liberal Leader wants to talk about his Green Shift. He insists his environmental policy, arguably the key element in his policy platform, is simple.
He is mistaken. It isn't. The Green Shift may be good public policy but it violates a core rule of campaign communications: If you can't explain it to your neighbour in a sentence of two over the back fence, you can't sell it politically. Ask Mr. Dion's candidates. They've tried.
But Mr. Dion's bigger challenge in getting his message out is the polls, or more precisely media reporting of public-opinion surveys and our collective response to them.
Communications theorists have established our predisposition to accept a dominant "frame" for a news story and the way we are "primed" to measure a political leader's performance against that ballot question. The public then passes judgment on that performance.
In earlier times, we had to wait for the actual vote tallies to know what that judgment was. But when social scientists developed public-opinion research, all that changed. We now give voice to that judgment instantly, even incessantly given the proliferation of media-sponsored polls.
Media analysis of public-opinion research in the campaign context of who is winning, who is losing, and how much time is left in the game has been a standard feature of political coverage since the 1940s. What has changed is the viral growth of these polls and the news stories they generate.
Poll reporting in campaigns was once a weekly phenomenon. With new media technologies, we report our reactions in real time.
Mr. Dion is caught in this vortex of poll-driven expectations. His standard response to daily media queries about his standing in the polls (I love it, I love to be underestimated) is both predictable and maybe even justifiable. He successfully defied the polls in the past, his victory in the Liberal leadership contest being the most spectacular example. And Mr. Dion's experience in guiding the Clarity Act through the House of Commons means he isn't likely to fret much over questions about his personal popularity.
The risk for Mr. Dion, indeed for any party leader, is the tendency to interpret these victories as evidence of infallibility in all things campaign-related.
And that means a recalibration in Liberal campaign strategy and the party's core message. In the absence of an overarching issue, this campaign boils down to a question of whether Canadians want to hand Conservative Leader Stephen Harper a majority.
Voters uneasy at the prospect are looking for a champion. Past patterns would suggest the Liberals are a logical choice.
But the polls, and the coverage of those polls, suggest New Democratic Party Leader Jack Layton is beginning to crowd Mr. Dion in terms of public support.
So the strategic imperative for the Liberal campaign in general, and Mr. Dion in particular, is to put some distance between themselves and the NDP in the polls, and have that fact widely reported in the mainstream press.
And this is the week where that message must get through. The polls suggest Liberal support in the Greater Toronto Area is softening. Incumbent Liberal MPs in the suburban ring of 905 are skittish. There is even talk of electoral vulnerability in one of the Mississauga seats. Which is why this week's tour, the media coverage it generates and our collective response to it as measured by the pollsters, will be determinant.
Shakespeare wrote of the "tide in the affairs of men." For Stéphane Dion, this is the week the tide rolls in.
I’m not at all sure that I fully understand the power of communications – not just the obvious political bumph from the parties or the equally obvious media reports, but the subtle messages delivered by daily reports on the rolling polls and our reaction to them.
I think Fox has the question right: do we* want to give Harper a majority government? We are only ⅓ of the way through he campaign but I feel that Dion has already lost it. So, do we trust Harper enough? What’s more scary: Harper or the economic crisis?
------------------
* By ‘we’ I means Canadians at large. About 38% of us Canadians are firmly in the “Yes! We want a majority Conservative government in 2008” camp already – that ‘we’ needs a few hundred thousand of our fellow citizens – mostly in Ontario and Québec - to make the same choice.