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NATO: Too Many Restrictions on Foreign Forces in AFG

“I’m confident that is the case, because I am confident that all 26 allies have exactly the same interpretation of what solidarity means.”

I am confident that each ally has a differing interpretation as to what an "emergency" means.  When I see German combat forces deployed to Kandahar or Helmand outside the wire, then I'll believe it.  Until then, I strongly suspect that the caveats will remain and that the "usual suspects" will continue with their antics in the north of the country.

Accusing the Germans  of being "cowards" is stupid. The Germans have certainly done a very thorough job of abandoning their WWI and II military history (just as much as we treasure ours), but I don't recall seeing anything to suggest that they were cowardly.

"Coward" is a hugely strong and emotive word.  I would suggest "risk adverse", a term that can be extended to the entire German Army as an institution.  It is also a term that cannot be confined to the Germans alone.
 
Kirkhill said:
This has to be at least a positive development.  Is it more or less meaningful if the local commanders get to decide on what is an emergency?
“In case of emergency, every single ally will come to the assistance and help of every other ally,” Jaap de Hoop Scheffer said.
“I’m confident that is the case, because I am confident that all 26 allies have exactly the same interpretation of what solidarity means.”
Merely another press release, which will produce absolutely no tactical or operational change.

Within NATO HQ, "solidarity" can be defined as reducing any decision to the lowest-common denominator to reach consensus - - sometimes that can be so low as to be meaningless.

And that's just to agree to some press release or "guiding" policy (since each member remains a sovereign nation that will take its own decisions). Outside the bureaucracy, and in the field....there is very little "solidarity" given the overarching primacy of the troop-contributing nations' caveats.
 
I agree with Journeyman. There are very large loopholes in the statement. For example, in case of emergency involving NATO member A in the south, how long will it take NATO member B in the north to decide that there is indeed an emergency and authorize its forces to come to the assistance? In fact there is no guarantee that B would even agree that there is an emergency, let alone seriously consider ordering its troops to ride to the sound of the guns. In a slightly better case, it may be that the battle procedure involved in 'coming to the assistance' would preclude the relieving force from arriving in time to influence the battle.
 
What fries my goat is that we were there in Germany for the Germans.  From Op PANDA to the standing down of 4 CMBG and CFE as a whole in the 90's.  Had the balloon gone up, there would have been no question that our lads would have been there.  This is not a slag against the Bundeswehr, but against Bonn Berlin for humming and hawing over this NATO mission.
 
If we point an accusing finger to one NATO/EC country then we might as well point to all the other NATO/EC countries that aren't anywhere near Afghanistan.

The germans are doing what their leaders are asking of them.  Can't hope for anything less.
 
Here, reproduced under the Fair Dealings provisions of the Copyright Act, is more on this topic from Jeffrey Simpson in today’s (19 Jan 07) Globe and Mail:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20070119.wsimpson19/BNStory/National/home
Will Afghanistan define Canadian politics in 2007?

JEFFREY SIMPSON
From Friday's Globe and Mail

Canada and other countries that need help in Afghanistan have one last chance to persuade other NATO countries. Later this month, NATO's defence ministers will meet in Spain. When NATO leaders met in Riga, requests for more troops fell on deaf ears, except for Poland's.

Evidence is increasingly irrefutable that the NATO mission in southern and eastern Afghanistan confronts an ever-deadlier foe with safe refuge in Pakistan.

Will other NATO countries — Germany, Italy, Spain, France and others — help? Or will the United States and Britain be obliged once again to do more heavy lifting? Or will these countries, their forces already stretched and their politicians frustrated at other NATO countries' passing the buck, conclude they can do nothing more?

Lieutenant-General David Richards, the British officer commanding NATO forces in Afghanistan, complains that unmet pledges of troops and equipment have left him 10-per-cent to 15-per-cent short. He has also not received the 1,200 promised troops to act as a reserve force.

Insurgent attacks increased dramatically last year. A U.S. intelligence report says suicide attacks jumped to 139 in 2006 from 27 in 2005; roadside bomb attacks rose to 1,677 from 783; and direct attacks using small arms, grenades and other weapons increased to 4,542 from 1,558.

Some of this increase reflects more offensive operations by NATO. Most result from heightened mobilization by the Taliban and their allies, many of whom are snugly lodged in Pakistan.

Pakistan, of course, is playing a kind of double game. It signed an agreement with tribal leaders to withdraw many of its forces in exchange for a pledge by these groups to patrol the border and prevent the Taliban and other insurgents from crossing into Afghanistan.

This deal is now widely considered within NATO to have given insurgents an easier time in both Pakistan and Afghanistan, given the support the Taliban enjoy in border areas. Any counterinsurgency campaign that cannot seal borders will struggle to be effective.

Britain, its forces stationed in Helmand province, is stretched. The war in Iraq is unpopular at home. Prime Minister Tony Blair might be looking for ways to bring some of his soldiers home. Sending more to Afghanistan might not be possible, politically or militarily, even though the U.S. will ask.

As for the Americans, much depends on U.S. domestic politics. Robert Gates, the new Defence Secretary, just visited Afghanistan and said: “It's very important that we not let this success in Afghanistan slip away from us.” Mr. Gates added he was “sympathetic” to requests from U.S. and NATO officers for more troops.

But how? President George W. Bush has decided to send 20,000 additional U.S. soldiers to Iraq on a mission of almost certain futility to save the fiasco unleashed by his decision to invade that country. He can hardly redeploy soldiers and equipment from Iraq to Afghanistan under these circumstances. If anything, the Americans might want to deploy the other way, and thus will need more NATO troops to fill gaps in Afghanistan.

U.S. Democrats understand that their country, having botched Iraq, can ill afford a failure in Afghanistan. Always conscious of appearing “soft” on the “war” on terror, leading Democrats are suggesting freezing troop levels in Iraq and upping them in Afghanistan. That recommendation came this week from Senator Hillary Clinton, who is often a bellwether for centrist Democratic thinking and is, of course, her party's early favourite as presidential nominee.

Afghanistan might well be the defining issue of Canadian politics this year, so what happens militarily there will reverberate back home. The NDP and Bloc Québécois are already against further Canadian participation. The Liberals are split and have created an internal party committee under Senator (and former defence minister) Art Eggleton to find a common position.

It won't be easy. Nor will resisting the temptation to play to the out-of-Afghanistan voters in what might be an election year, during which the next Canadian troops heading to Afghanistan will be from notoriously pacifist Quebec.

Focus on military strategy, from NATO, the U.S., Canada or wherever, is important but perhaps misleading. In this kind of struggle, the war turns on the hearts, minds and stomachs of the local population, so corruption, the poppy trade, poverty and other non-military issues are as important as how many soldiers are present.

jsimpson@globeandmail.com

The presence of Sen. Art Eggleton on an internal Liberal Party committee designed to ‘find a common position’ re: how to use the mission in Afghanistan to embarrass the Conservative government  does not fill me with confidence.

Simpson is right:

• It will not be easy for the Liberals to ‘find a common position’ –  the Liberal Party is riven by the same divisions and shifting points of view which bedevil the nation at large; and

• Resisting temptation has never been a Liberal strong suit.  They have made appealing to every possible special interest into an art form.  The ‘Bring the troops home’ special interest is  large and appears to be especially strong in traditionally isolationist Québec.

Finally, I have seen nothing is reports out of Europe to indicate that fighting in Southern Afghanistan has suddenly become popular in Europe.  I think we must expect more and more pressure on Canada to do even more in Afghanistan.
 
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