An Israeli attack on Iran would be madness
By Andrew Cohen, The Ottawa Citizen
November 8, 2011
Sometime this week, the International Atomic Energy Agency will issue a scary report on Iran's nuclear program. It will confirm that Iran is close to developing an A-bomb.
According to The Washington Post, the IAEA finds "that Iran's government has mastered the critical steps needed to build a nuclear weapon," and it has conducted "an apparent secret research program that was more ambitious, more organized and more successful than commonly suspected."
This isn't news in Israel, where Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Defence Minister Ehud Barak and Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman are now said to favour attacking Iran's nuclear facilities. Even President Shimon Peres, a dove, is musing publicly about the failure of diplomacy.
It may be that this sabre-rattling is intended to spur support for tougher sanctions on Iran. But a military solution isn't just risky for Israel.
An attack on Iran would be catastrophic, setting off a disastrous train of events. It's madness.
Doubting the military option isn't about a squishy, woolly-minded morality over the right of Israel to deny Iran the nuclear arms that Israel already has. Iran is a religious autocracy whose delusional president denies the Holocaust and wants to kill the Jews.
As Israeli journalist Hirsh Goodman writes in his fine new book, The Anatomy of Israel's Survival (Mc-Clelland & Stewart), "Iran is maniacally dedicated to Israel's destruction, and says so on every occasion, in every language -" He calls Iran the greatest existential threat to the Jewish people - half of whom live in Israel - since Hitler.
Rather than moral, our reservations here are practical. Fundamentally, there just are too many ways a military response could go wrong.
Let us assume that the Israelis know that Iran has the bomb and the means to deliver it. Let us assume that they know where Iran's installations are.
Even so, the chances of success are low. That Israel could eliminate Iran's nuclear ability in a clean, surgical air strike, or even a series of strikes, is implausible.
Iran is big. Its nuclear facilities are dispersed. They aren't clustered on a plain, wrapped in a box tied with a red ribbon.
The Iranians know how the Israelis destroyed the nuclear installations of the Iraqis in 1981 and the Syrians in 2007, both with impunity. Iran is said to have parallel programs.
Indeed, the Iranians may have several programs. Their nuclear capacity, like cancer, is thought to have metastasized, making it virtually impossible to root out.
Hitting a country as far from Israel as Iran, which would require mid-air refuelling, is hard enough. Hitting it without being detected by hostile states such as Syria, perhaps over a series of days, would be astonishing.
Some of the installations are said to be in bunkers beyond the reach of conventional bombs, raising the ominous prospect of using tactical nuclear weapons.
But let's assume, again, that this operation could succeed. Then what?
The Iranians would have to retaliate. They could be expected to use whatever is left of their nuclear (or even biological weapons), which could well be the end of Israel, what Moshe Dayan called "the destruction of the Third Temple."
Israel is tiny; Iran is 75 times its size. Seventy per cent of Israelis - with their ports, airports, factories - live in cities hugging the coastal plain 259 kilometres long and 16 kilometres deep. Even with Israel's crack air defences, it wouldn't take many warheads to bring havoc upon the Jewish state.
Perhaps Iran wouldn't use nuclear weapons, given the risks of annihilation from Israel and the United States. Perhaps, as well, it would worry that a nuclear attack on Israel could kill its Arab neighbours, poison their air and water, and destroy their holy sites.
Instead, Iran could decide to launch conventional missiles. It could try to close the Straits of Hormuz, cutting off oil supplies to the West, or send suicide-bombers around the world. Or it could inflame the Palestinians in Gaza, who need little excuse to send rockets into Israel, and embolden Hezbollah in Lebanon to use some of the 45,000 rockets that Hirsh Goodman says it has stockpiled.
And then there is the prospect of a hostile post-Mubarak Egypt and a simmering Syria joining an alliance against Israel. Suddenly, Israel would be at war on many fronts.
At a minimum, Israel after an attack on Iran would find itself even more diplomatically isolated than it is now - however pleased that Turkey and Saudi Arabia would be to see Iran defanged.
In the end, though, an attack is too dangerous. There are too many unknowns. Better for Israel to rely on its sophisticated cyber warfare or its selective assassinations of Iranian scientists and other means of covert warfare.
Ultimately, deterrence is the only way to contain a nuclear Iran. The threat of mutually assured destruction kept the Cold War cold for a generation, until a wiser leadership emerged. We have to hope the same happens in Iran.
Andrew Cohen is a professor of journalism and international affairs at Carleton University.
Email: andrewzcohen@yahoo.ca
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