America, ask not what your country can do for you, or anyone, really
Andrew Coyne
16/09/13
It’s been a couple of days since Barack Obama’s latest diplomatic triumph in the Middle East, and already the reviews are in. From the Syrian “minister of national reconciliation,” Ali Haidar: “A victory for Syria, achieved thanks to our Russian friends.” From Georgy Mirsky, of the Institute for World Economy and International Relations in Moscow: “Russia has won. America didn’t so much lose as it was humiliated.” From Qassim Saadeddine, a rebel commander in northern Syria: “Let the Kerry-Lavrov plan go to hell. We reject it and we will not protect the inspectors.”
It’s possible to imagine how this could have been handled worse: with the involvement of the North Koreans, perhaps, or via a plan to place the Suez under the protection of Iranian peacekeepers. Otherwise the disaster looks absolute.
A quick review of how we got here: the failure to support the Syrian opposition in the immediate aftermath of the uprising of April of 2011, when it briefly seemed Bashar al-Assad might join his fellow dictators in the tumbrels of the Arab Spring; the two years of dithering that followed, while Assad slowly regained the upper hand and the opposition fell into division and radicalization; the drawing of a “red line” at chemical warfare, with the promise of “enormous consequences” if it were crossed; the instant vacating of that promise when the red line was crossed, repeatedly, without consequence of any kind; the sudden vow of action, when the line was crossed in a way too overt to be ignored, i.e. after the posting of multiple YouTube videos of convulsing or prettily dead children; the equally sudden deferral of action, pending a vote of Congress, as it emerged that military intervention was proving unpopular with the public.
All culminating in the utter debacle of the past week: the Kerry blunder, the Russian offer, that weird, pointless Obama speech pleading with Congress not to vote on the measure he had asked them to vote on the previous week, the condescending Putin op-ed piece in The New York Times, and the final indignity, the sight of the Obama administration clinging to the Russian lifeline as it lifted them clear of the Congress.
Well, no, that’s not the final indignity, is it? Because now the administration will have to spend the next year, probably more, explaining away Assad’s refusal to live up to this weekend’s agreement, and the refusal of his Russian patrons to hold him to it, while the slaughter in Syria continues unabated. Indeed, that was the Assad regime’s first response to the agreement, even before the minister of national reconciliation’s ululation: to resume the bombing campaign it had temporarily suspended when it looked like Obama might be prepared to do something about it.
Not that the agreement would amount to much even if it were honoured. From Obama’s original reluctant, vacillating threat to do not very much to punish Assad — an “unbelievable small” retaliatory strike, his Secretary of State promised, believably — we are now reduced to a promise from the murderer to throw away the murder weapon. Even if the agreement were implemented to the letter, a year from now Assad would still be in power, still under Russian tutelage, still launching missiles into the suburbs of his own capital. He just would have to refrain from arming them with sarin gas.
But how likely is even that? Suppose Assad lives up to the agreement’s first article, and produces a “comprehensive listing” of his estimated thousand-ton arsenal of chemical weapons, which he has reportedly spent the last several days secreting about the country, within the week. Are we to believe United Nations inspectors will be able to locate and identify all of these, as per the agreement, by November — a process that has taken years elsewhere — in the middle of a civil war? And, further, that these will all be destroyed by the middle of next year?
And if they are not? Ah, says the administration: in that case, “the threat of force remains.” Well, yes: the threat. Just not the reality. As envisaged in the agreement, it would require a resolution of the Security Council, meaning the Russians — they who still deny that Assad was responsible for the chemical attacks — would have to vote for it. Or perhaps, following precedent, Obama could ask Congress for authority to go it alone. In an election year. Without fresh YouTube videos to remind people of what all the fuss was about.
And so, Americans, ask not what your country can do for you, or anyone, really — because you might not like the answer. After this, there isn’t any reason for anyone to take the threat of American force seriously. The public hasn’t the stomach for it, and the president hasn’t the authority. You think the Iranian regime, for example, is not watching all this with a cool and appraising eye?
This is perhaps the bitterest part of the farce. As if an emboldened Assad, an ascendant Putin, the emasculation of the West and the evaporation of the taboo on chemical weapons were not enough, Obama is now talking about engaging Iran in talks — on Syria, that is, talks on Iran’s own relentless pursuit of weapons of mass destruction having gotten conspicuously nowhere. But not to worry. As Obama told an interviewer Friday, “they shouldn’t draw a lesson that [because] we haven’t struck [in Syria] we won’t strike Iran.” No of course not. Why would they?
For their part, the Iranians seem open to the invitation, and I can’t say I blame them.
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