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Election 2010?

recceguy said:
When it comes to immigration and the Liebrals, they are only concerned if the immigrants are going to create a larger base of voters for their party, IMHO

Well I live in the GTA and Harper and his henchmen have quit clearly spent an abnormal amount of time and program spending on the large immigrant population in my area.

Kettle black.
 
Baden  Guy said:
Well I live in the GTA and Harper and his henchmen have quit clearly spent an abnormal amount of time and program spending on the large immigrant population in my area.

Kettle black.

Maybe so, but they don't attend terrorist fundraisers or parades.
 
....from Nanos Tracking Poll:
The latest Nanos Tracking Poll suggests that the Conservatives continue their lead over the Liberals (35.6% for the Conservatives, and 29.2% for the Liberals) even though both have dropped in popularity (-1.6 for the Conservatives and -4.0 for the Liberals). The NDP continues to show marginal gains from the last Nanos Tracking Poll (+4.5).

Research suggests that the Conservatives continue to enjoy an advantage over the Liberals but remain in minority territory.

Nanos conducted a random telephone survey of 1,008 Canadians, 18 years of age and older, between May 29th and June 3rd, 2010. A survey of 1,008 Canadians is accurate to within 3.1 percentage points, plus or minus, 19 times out of 20. For 756 committed voters, it is accurate to within 3.6 percentage points, plus or minus, 19 times out of 20. Margins may be larger for smaller samples.

Ballot Question: For those parties you would consider voting for federally, could you please rank your top two current local preferences? (Committed voters only - First Preference Reported)

The numbers in parenthesis denote the change from the last Nanos National Omnibus survey completed between April 30th and May 3rd, 2010.

National Committed Voters Only (n=756)
Conservative 35.6% (-1.6)
Liberal 29.2% (-4.0)
NDP 20.7% (+4.5)
BQ 9.4% (-0.2)
Green 5.1% (+1.3)

Note: Undecided 24.2% (+2.0) of total voters surveyed ....

Tracking of this company's numbers attached.
 
It appears, according to Don Martin’s latest column, reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions (§29) of the Copyright Act from the National Post, that a 2010 election may be a bit more likely because the Tories may find fighting an election against <i><s>Iggy</s> <s>Iffy</s> Icarus</i> and a fractured Liberal Party too tempting to resist:

http://fullcomment.nationalpost.com/2010/06/07/liberal-woes-begin-to-add-up/
Liberal woes begin to add up

By Don Martin  June 7, 2010

The lengthy list of missed opportunities, policy reversals, leadership snafus and crazy NDP coalition talk that plagues the Liberals is about to grow a bit longer, even as internal party morale plunges, polling support flatlines and their reason to exist gets watered down into policy mud.

The Official Opposition’s shots at the juicy target of outrageous G20 and G8 summit costs may soon encounter resistance from an unfamiliar source. The parliamentary budget officer appears poised to conclude most of the billion-dollar security tab for Ontario’s G20 and G8 summits can be justified.

Kevin Page may well quibble at the premium for deploying RCMP officers when Canadian soldiers could’ve been used without overtime costs, but he tells me his initial scan hasn’t spotted anything severely out of whack with hosting costs in other cities.

Mr. Page is fearless about criticizing the federal government, so a passive finding from his office later this month will cut short The Massive Conservative Summit Spending Scandal that Liberals hoped would tarnish host Prime Minister Stephen Harper in the international spotlight.

That won’t stop the hollering over fake lakes in the Toronto summit media centre or unfinished boats in Muskoka that will never be seen by visiting world leaders, but it will blunt the attack — and the Liberals need every target they can find to score with voters.

So bumbling have they become that, at some point, you have to wonder if Liberal leader Michael Ignatieff is facing a quiet internal revolt to get an election over with quickly, hand the Conservatives a majority and give the party four clear years to regroup under less toxic leadership.

Rarely has a government given opponents so much ammunition, only to have the Official Opposition respond with so many backfires. When people take idle speculation that Jean Chrétien will emerge from the crypt as interim party leader seriously, the current leader is in trouble.

When the Liberal leader muses about the merits of leading a coalition with the New Democrats AFTER the next election, you give coalition opponents, which include a lot of Liberals, a good reason to vote for the Conservatives or not vote at all.

Yes, yes, we’ve been through this many times before, but the cumulative weight of so many mistakes and miscalculations has become staggering.

Michael Ignatieff could’ve been Mr. Clean, but he waited until the government and NDP were capitulating before he agreed to allow the Auditor General to probe MP expenses.

He has whipped MPs to vote against a private member’s bill that aims to kill off the long-gun registry, forcing Liberals in marginal ridings to defend the registry over local opinion at considerable risk to their safe re-election.

Last week’s surprise Liberal rejection of a refugee bill, which their own critic had helped negotiate with Immigration Minister Jason Kenney, has Mr. Ignatieff’s caucus agog at such caving to the views of chronic headache Denis Coderre and troublemaker Jim Karygiannis.

Now Iggy’s stumbled into divisive ethnic politics by letting MP Andrew Kania deliver a Sikh ‘‘genocide’’ petition and attend a memorial to the 1984 massacre this week, moves only supported by a small number of extremists. That’s angered the government of India and forced the Liberal leader’s OWN OFFICE to publicly oppose his OWN MP’s actions. The mind reels.

Liberal insiders correctly note the public is looking for a reason to vote against Mr. Harper, but they can’t yet see one in the Liberals.

Any momentum from the Deep Thinkers conference in Montreal last March has sputtered. The regional gabfests are only starting now, which suggests any concrete ideas won’t roll out until fall.

Of course, there’s growing Liberal dread at the possibility of a Conservative election force by then.

The government is clearing the decks of must-pass legislation. They’re rushing through their oft-recycled law-and-order bills.

Their navy procurement plan has been green-lighted. Their copyright update and national securities enabling legislation are on the move. And their massive budget bill has sailed through the Commons and is unlikely to face any sustained resistance by Liberal senators.

Against the soundtrack of a legislative agenda wrapping up, the Conservatives are launching a vintage mischief campaign to make Parliament look like a circus suffering a cotton-candy sugar rush.

They’ve designated Transport Minister John Baird as the desk-pounding screech specialist responsible for generating made-for-television footage of committees in disarray.

They’ve assigned that same sonic Cabinet cannon to handle summit questions in the Commons, a file totally disconnected from his day-job duties. Sure this humiliates the ministers actually responsible for the summits, particularly Foreign Affairs Minister Lawrence Cannon, but it’s a PMO signal that confrontational style now matters more than responsive substance.

Their intent seems clear. If the Conservatives can’t fabricate a legitimate excuse to drag Canadians to the polls this fall, they will disrupt, irritate and provoke until voters demand an election as a parliamentary mercy killing.

National Post


The Tories may well want to strike before the Liberals can find a way to replace <i>Prince Michael</i>.
 
CARP (the Canadian Association of Retired Persons, affiliated with the AARP (American Association of Retired Persons)) does some rolling polls on voter intentions for their age group. It bears remembering that the CARP people are the most reliable voters – report after report shows that older people (>40) vote and younger people (<40) don’t and “old” people (55 – 75) vote most.

This data, from an ongoing poll about pensions is interesting:

If a federal election were held tomorrow, which party’s candidate would you support?
Conservative: 831 Votes 40.5 %
Liberal: 540 Votes 26.3 %
NDP: 181 Votes 8.8 %
Green Party: 81 Votes 3.9 %
Bloc Quebecois: 5 Votes 0.2 %
OTHER: 14 Votes 0.7 %
UNDECIDED: 401 Votes 19.5 %
Total : 2053 Votes

If a federal election were held tomorrow, and a Coalition of the Liberals, NDP and Green Party, led by Michael Ignatieff faced the government, which party’s candidate would you vote for?
Conservative: 936 Votes 45.6 %
Coalition Liberal/NDP/Green: 710 Votes 34.6 %
Bloc Quebecois: 4 Votes 0.2 %
OTHER: 49 Votes 2.4 %
UNDECIDED: 354 Votes 17.2 %
Total : 2053 Votes

If a federal election were held tomorrow, and a Coalition of the Liberals, NDP and Green Party, led by Jack Layton faced the government, which party’s candidate would you vote for?
Conservative: 938 Votes 45.7 %
Coalition Liberal/NDP/Green: 657 Votes 32.0 %
Bloc Quebecois : 5 Votes 0.2 %
OTHER: 77 Votes 3.8 %
UNDECIDED: 376 Votes 18.3 %
Total : 2053 Votes



Notwithstanding the poor grammar (the questions should have read ” … for which party’s candidate would you vote?”) it appears that older does equal wiser and if only CARP members could vote Harper’s Conservatives would have a solid majority despite anything and everything the opposition parties might do.

Caution: these polls, being voluntary, are not as accurate as random samples. Just look at the BQ vote; CARP members are, overwhelmingly, Anglo and, therefore, the results really reflect Canada (-).
 
Jeffrey Simpson, in today's Globe and Mail, apparently is attempting to take some of the heat off the Liberals by creating a threat to Stephen Harper's leadership. The opinion piece is reproduced under the fair comment provisions of the Copyright Act.

"The media, as is customary, have developed a one-dimensional narrative about Canadian politics around the travails of the Liberal Party, up to and including asking breathlessly if the party can be saved.

Everything is wrong in the Liberal world, especially its leader Michael Ignatieff, about whom barely a good word can be spoken. Internal disarray, policy incoherence, fundraising difficulties, Bob Rae envy. It’s so bad for the Liberals that the absurdity of a merger with the NDP has been raised.

Assume for the sake of argument that this description is valid, that the Liberal Party is in complete chaos. Would it not logically follow, then, that if the Liberals are so down, the Conservatives should be so up? A parallel narrative, then, with the Official Opposition in terrible shape, should have Prime Minister Stephen Harper and his Conservatives safely in majority government territory.

Instead, the Conservatives are going nowhere. Just as the Liberals seem to be stuck at 27- to 30-per-cent in the polls (for whatever they are worth between elections, especially the unhelpful weekly polls the media seem to love), the Conservatives are caught between 31- and 35-per-cent, well shy of a majority.

The NDP, by the way, is in its usual 15- to 18-per-cent range. Should we not be wondering, if the Liberals are so weak, why the NDP is going nowhere either? The 13- to 18-per-cent range, after all, is where the NDP has been in almost every election since the party’s founding in 1961. Between elections, the NDP sometimes goes above 18 per cent – as in May, 1987, when the party hit an astounding 39 per cent in one poll, only to tumble in the election the next year.

But back to the Conservatives. Under Mr. Harper, this Conservative Party is less popular than the previous iterations of the party during the past four decades. Joe Clark, for example, won the 1979 election with 36 per cent of the vote. Robert Stanfield usually had the Conservatives in the mid- to upper-30s. Brian Mulroney won 50 per cent of the vote in 1984 and was re-elected handsomely four years later.

The only time conservative forces were weaker than today came with the arrival in the 1993 election of the Reform Party (including Mr. Harper), a development that shattered the political right for more than a decade. Today, therefore, the Harper Conservatives are the weakest united right-wing government or party the country has seen in our lifetime.

The Bloc Québécois, of course, skews everything, taking about a 10-per-cent share of the national vote away from federalist parties. The Conservatives tried everything to woo Quebec, but their affections went unrequited to such an extent that the party has now all but given up on improving its standing there.

It doesn’t seem to matter what the Conservatives do: They cannot win or get into majority government territory. They have spent money, before and since the recession, as no self-respecting right-wing party would ever have dared. They have tried to buy political favour (remember the GST cut, the tax credits for itsy-bitsy things, the “fiscal imbalance”), and backed that spending with enormous public advertising.

They have raised tens of millions of dollars to demonize their opponents and praise their own accomplishments. They jettisoned their own law on fixed election dates and called a premature election, thinking a majority government beckoned. They have controlled messages and gagged dissidents as no previous government has done. In short, they have enjoyed all the advantages of incumbency, avoided scandals (the Guergis/Jaffer business is more a joke than a scandal), yet have fallen short in three elections of a majority – and appear unable to win one the next time.

Which leads to another narrative about leadership: How many times will the Conservatives allow Stephen Harper to fail to win a majority government? If he only wins a minority next time, that would make four “victories” that could also be interpreted as failures – especially, as we keep hearing daily – against a hopeless, dispirited Liberal opposition.

Should we therefore not develop a parallel narrative to the Ignatieff death watch: the Harper death watch? Yes, he is secure for the moment, but his caucus fears, rather than loves him. It would not take more than a fourth failure to win a majority for him, or the party, to say this isn’t working."
 
It is, generally, custom, including in the Liberal Party of Toronto,  to allow a leader to fight one election before he is toppled; I expect that courtesy to be extended to Iggy Iffy Icarus, too.

The Conservatives must not write off Prince Michael as a total ineffective; I recall that the Ontario PCs dined out on Dalton McWhimpy for quite some time but, last time I checked, Dalton McGuinty was still premier of Canada's largest province and the Tories are still out in the cold. Despite the fact that McGuinty has offered up bad policy after bad policy - the HST is good policy so it is the exception that proves the rule - he is out politicking the PCs.

I cannot imagine that there are not two or three potential revolts in the Conservative caucus, right now. Harper needs to win a majority or accept the fact that he, himself, is the problem and make way for someone who can win.
 
This might put paid to any notions of an election this year. The one thing that swept the Liberals out of office was ADSCAM, and the mess that it left behind will continue to plague the Liberals for years to come:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/rcmp-lays-out-first-allegations-of-bribery-in-liberal-sponsorship-scandal/article1605650/

RCMP lays out first allegations of bribery in Liberal sponsorship scandal

RCMP suggests Montreal advertising firm Groupe Everest committed $1-million in fraud and bribed Chuck Guité and his wife

Daniel Leblanc

Ottawa — From Wednesday's Globe and Mail
Published on Tuesday, Jun. 15, 2010 9:00PM EDT

Last updated on Tuesday, Jun. 15, 2010 9:53PM EDT


.The RCMP has laid out its first allegations of bribery in the sponsorship scandal, stating in a court document that an advertising firm offered kickbacks to long-time bureaucrat Chuck Guité, including free cosmetic surgery for his wife.

According to a previously undisclosed search warrant, the RCMP raided a clinic in the Montreal area in 2008, obtaining medical records, invoices and before-and-after pictures of Lucile Chatel Guité.

For the first time, the search warrant shows the RCMP has uncovered allegations of gifts and payments to Mr. Guité and his wife that go well beyond the evidence heard in 2004 and 2005 at the Gomery inquiry, which probed the mismanagement of Ottawa’s efforts to increase its visibility in Quebec in the late 1990s and early 2000s.

The document also offers a unique look at an ongoing investigation into senior officials at plugged-in advertising firm Groupe Everest, which received $55-million in sponsorship contracts. While the RCMP and Quebec provincial police have laid fraud charges against the presidents of the other major advertising firms involved in the scandal, the Groupe Everest probe has not produced any visible results.

However, the document reveals the Mounties have conducted a number of raids and dozens of interviews with witnesses, and have recommended the laying of 73 charges against at least two former officials at the firm, in relation to alleged fraud of $1-million.

The RCMP confirmed on Tuesday that its investigation is over and the file has been provided to Crown prosecutors in Montreal. None of the allegations in the search warrant have been proven in court.

Before he retired in 1999, Mr. Guité was the top bureaucrat in the sponsorship program, working hand in hand with senior Liberal officials such as Alfonso Gagliano and Jean Pelletier. Mr. Guité was charged with fraud in 2004 and found guilty at trial in relation to his dealings with another advertising firm, Groupaction Marketing Inc.

The RCMP launched a distinct investigation into Groupe Everest in 2005 and heard allegations of payoffs to Mr. Guité and Ms. Chatel Guité from two former assistants of senior Groupe Everest official Diane Deslauriers.

According to the former employees, Ms. Deslauriers spoke openly of the benefits she offered to Mr. Guité and Ms. Chatel Guité, including fishing trips, plane tickets, expensive winter coats and wine.

Former employee Sophie Lavoie alleged Ms. Deslauriers “was never shy” to speak in front of her “about compromising stories,” including the allegation Ms. Chatel Guité received a nose job and surgery on the bottom of her face from Ms. Deslauriers.

“On one occasion, Diane Deslauriers is the one who brought Lucile Chatel Guité to the plastic surgery clinic and went to pick her up after the operation,” Ms. Lavoie told the Mounties.

According to Ms. Lavoie, Ms. Deslauriers and Ms. Chatel Guité were not friends. “The bribes were given in order to favour the awarding of contracts to Groupe Everest,” the warrant said.

One of the surgeries was conducted on April 25, 1997, the RCMP said. That day, Groupaction president Jean Brault had a breakfast meeting with Mr. Guité, at which point he saw Ms. Chatel Guité leave with Ms. Deslauriers.

Records from that day show there were a total of 13 calls made between the phones of Mr. Guité, Ms. Deslauriers and the Notre-Dame cosmetic surgery clinic.

A month later, when Mr. Brault saw a number of people involved in the sponsorship program, he “did not recognize Lucile Chatel,” the RCMP said in the warrant.

The RCMP also obtained accounting documents and cheques alleging that Groupe Everest and Ms. Deslauriers’ company made five payments totaling $32,600 to Ms. Chatel Guité between 1996 and 1999.

Ms. Deslauriers is the spouse of former Groupe Everest president Claude Boulay, and both of them were active in the Liberal Party during the days of the sponsorship program, from 1996 to 2003. Ms. Deslauriers was identified at the time as the “the queen of the ticket-sellers for cocktail parties and fundraising dinners” for the Liberal Party.

Asked about the surgery in a short interview on Tuesday, Mr. Guité said: “There was nothing done there,” before adding, “what was done, my wife paid for it.” Ms. Deslauriers rejected the allegations in the search warrant as “not true,” although she acknowledged knowing Ms. Chatel Guité.

Groupe Everest has already settled a lawsuit with the federal government, reimbursing $1-million to taxpayers in sponsorship money.

With a report from Ingrid Peritz in Montreal

Other investigations

The RCMP has referred the results of its investigation into advertising firm Groupe Everest to the office of the Crown prosecutor in Montreal. So far, the RCMP and the Quebec provincial police have arrested the presidents of other major advertising firms involved in the sponsorship scandal:

•Jean Lafleur, president of Lafleur Communication Marketing, was sentenced to 48 months after pleading guilty to a $1.5-million fraud.

•Groupaction Marketing Inc. president Jean Brault received 30 months after pleading guilty to fraud in relation to contracts worth $1.6-million.

•Gilles-André Gosselin, president of Gosselin Strategic Communications, got 24 months plus a day in relation to $655,000 in fraud.

•Paul Coffin, president of Communication Coffin, received an 18-month sentence in relation to fraud of $1.5-million.
 
...in a Reuters interview with the PM:
....  "It continues to be my strong view that the Canadian people want us, want the government, want Parliament to focus on the economy. That's what we've been doing. And as long as we can get from Parliament what we need from Parliament in terms of the economy, then I think it's important that Parliament continue to sit, that Parliament continue to work. I don't think people are looking for an election."

"All of the opposition parties have at one time or another been threatening to bring down the government or threatening an election ... I don't think that's where peoples' heads are at. I think people want this government to focus on the economy and that's what we're going to continue doing. So I'm not looking to have an election in the fall and I don't think that's what Canadians are expecting us to do either."

A bit more here.
 
The Liberal's main problem, to my eyes, is that they have done nothing to explain why their technocratic, emotionless academic leader would be better that the Conservative's technocratic, emotionless academic leader - and Canadians, being of a pragmatic bent, are more inclined to stick with what they know.

That being said, I suspect the current PM has peaked in terms of popularity and ability to enlarge his hold on the House of Commons; he may have the promised land in sight, but I do not think he will ever inhabit it.

Another hung Parliament could lead to the interesting spectacle of both major parties deposing their leaders more-or-less simultaneously... which, for those of us for who Parliament is a spectator sport, promisees to be every bit as exciting the World Cup.
 
Readers will know that I usually have little good to say about the Good Grey Globe's Lawrence Martin's prognostications, but, now and again, he gets its right – especially when he stays in his lane, as he does in this column, reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions (§29) of the Copyright Act from the Globe and Mail:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/opinions/and-in-this-corner-the-great-grit-slayer/article1662057/
And in this corner, the great Grit slayer
Stephen Harper’s primary political goal has been to tear down the historically dominant party. So far, his mission has succeeded

Lawrence Martin

From Thursday's Globe and Mail

When Stephen Harper sits down with his caucus this week, you can bet there’ll be some in his flock beginning to wonder: Why can’t this guy ever move us forward? We’ve been stuck at the same level of support for years. That feeling will be intensified when they see a poll this morning that puts the Liberals in a virtual tie with them. The PM’s gaffe on the census could be taking a toll.

But Mr. Harper always has a ready answer for the naysayers, and one poll won’t serve to undercut its validity. His answer is to tell them to look at what he’s done to the opposition Liberals. In four and a half years, he has bloodied them so badly that he ranks as one of the great Grit slayers of history.

In this time frame, the Liberals have barely averaged 30 points in the polls. For most of the past two years, they’ve been running in the 20s. Since polling began, there’s no period when the party has had that ugly a stretch. A record low it may well be. There were times when they had fewer seats, both after John Diefenbaker’s sweep in 1958 and Brian Mulroney’s massive win in 1984. But their polling average both before and subsequent to those defeats was considerably higher than in the past few years.

Mr. Harper’s primary political mission in life, as anyone who knows him well will testify, has been to tear down the historically dominant party. His energies as PM have been devoted excessively to that purpose. It explains his passion for the politics of destruction – the attack ads, the smear campaigns, the attempt to strip parties of public funding, his turning of his Conservatives into what has been called a garrison party – a political/military machine.

His mission thus far has succeeded – and it’s the major reason why Mr. Harper has succeeded. But while his emasculation of the opposition has proceeded apace, he hasn’t advanced the standing of his own party. And his government has posted one of the lowest sets of support numbers of any government, Liberal or Conservative. In Harperland, everybody bottoms out, democracy included.

The Liberal stretch of anguish has seen them with three different leaders – Paul Martin, Stéphane Dion and Michael Ignatieff – over the past five years. Usually, three leaders would last the party several decades. Wilfrid Laurier and Mackenzie King alone led the Liberals for more than half a century. Pierre Trudeau was leader for 16 years, Jean Chrétien for 13, Lester Pearson for 10.

Of course it hasn’t just been Mr. Harper who’s been responsible for the Liberals’ fall. They’ve had the sponsorship scandal, leaders without the wherewithal and so on. But much credit must go to the Prime Minister for being able to capitalize on their woes. He built a better organization, a better fundraising machine, a better campaign team. He outperformed them in the House of Commons, humiliating them by turning votes into confidence tests he knew they’d back down on.

But while collapsing the ground the Liberals walk on, he misses so many opportunities to till his own soil. Every time it starts to look like Mr. Harper can pull away, he flounders. In 2008, he was making big gains in Quebec and stood to win a majority when he threw it away with his ill-advised culture cuts and his description of gala-goers as a bunch of snoots. Later, again when he was doing well, came his budget update calling for the dismantling of public subsidies for parties. That almost brought down his government. Then he slammed shut the doors of Parliament on account of being hounded by the Afghan detainee controversy. His support dropped like a stone. This summer, cruising along nicely after the Queen’s visit, he overreached again, taking himself down with the bone-headed census gambit.

Notable has been the Liberals’ failure to take advantage of these openings. Now, with Michael Ignatieff showing signs of life on his grand national bus tour, they have another opportunity. But if the past four years is any indication, the great Grit slayer will find a way to bloody them again.


There is no doubt that the Liberals have suffered, badly, in the political realm while Harper has led the Conservatives; equally there is no doubt that Harper has, as Abba Eban famously said of the Palestinians, “never missed an opportunity to miss and opportunity” when the choice was between “good,” “constructive” (for the Conservative) policies and “destructive” (for both the Liberals and Conservatives) ones. Whether there is a correlation is an open question, but it makes some sense.

Perhaps Harper is laying the foundation for subsequent Conservative PMs to lead “Canada's natural governing party.”
 
I think he may be putting too much weight on the census scandal and todays polling numbers. Both of these are occurring during the dog days of summer. If anyone is actually paying attention, I doubt that they will even allow either to be a consideration when the parties return and we start, in earnest, to seriously consider an election.

As far as 'Michael Ignatieff showing signs of life on his grand national bus tour', goes, I call that a crock. I can't find any indication that anyone, the media included, has the slightest inclination to pay this jaunt any attention whatsoever.

As for Martin himself, he never misses an opportunity to roger the incompetents within his party, providing he can somehow make it Harper's fault.
 
Tories rebound after mid-summer slump, hold six-point lead: poll
By: Joan Bryden, The Canadian Press  10/08/2010
Article Link

OTTAWA - Stephen Harper's Conservatives have rebounded from a brief mid-summer slump, taking a six-point lead over the Liberals, a new poll suggests.

The Canadian Press Harris-Decima survey puts Tory support at 34 per cent, with the Liberals at 28, the NDP at 15, and the Greens at 12.

Recent polls suggested the Tories had slipped below 30 per cent support and into a statistical tie with the Liberals.

Harris-Decima chairman Allan Gregg said the latest recovery is in keeping with the pattern over the past few years, with the Tories quickly recovering from periodic setbacks.

"What you see is an ongoing resilience in the Conservative support base," he said. "If they get a little period of relative quiet, their vote comes back quite quickly whereas the Liberals have a very, very hard time getting any sustained traction."

The poll also suggests some modest improvement for the Liberals, who had been hovering around 25 per cent earlier in the summer. Gregg said they've picked themselves up off the mat in British Columbia and are more competitive in vote-rich Ontario.

Gregg said the latest numbers give no inducement to either the Conservatives or Liberals to force an election any time soon.

The poll suggests an election today would produce a third consecutive Conservative minority government, albeit a weaker one with the Tories wiped out in Quebec and likely losing some seats in Ontario as well.

Gregg said the poll suggests there's been little change in overall voting behaviour since 2005.

"Neither of these major political parties have given Canadians sufficient reason to either vote for them or, quite frankly, to vote against them," he said.

"There's continuing pockets of resistance to the two major parties that they just can't seem to break through."

The poll put the Bloc Quebecois comfortably ahead in Quebec at 39 per cent, while the Liberals were at 25 per cent. The Tories trailed far behind at 14 per cent, just ahead of the NDP at 12 and the Greens at seven.

The Tories and Liberals were neck and neck in Ontario, with 35 and 34 per cent support respectively. The NDP were at 16 per cent and the Greens at 12.

The Liberals held a slight lead in Atlantic Canada, with 38 per cent to the Tories' 34, the NDP's 20 and the Greens' seven per cent.

As usual, the Tories dominated western Canada. In B.C., they were 15 points ahead with 37 per cent, compared to the Liberals' 22. The NDP and Greens were tied at 20 per cent.

In Manitoba-Saskatchewan, the Tories stood at 49 per cent, while the Liberals were at 25, the NDP at 14 and the Greens at 11.

In Prime Minister Harper's Alberta stronghold, the Tories stood at 61 per cent — almost double the support of all the other parties combined. The Greens were at 14 per cent, the Liberals at 13 and the NDP at eight.
 
The Tories and Liberals were neck and neck in Ontario, with 35 and 34 per cent support respectively. The NDP were at 16 per cent and the Greens at 12.

So, NDP 16% (Windsor, St Thomas & Bramelea) Liberals 34 & Greens 12 (GTA) CPC 35 (the rest of Ontario) 8)

j/k Don't get cranky :blotto:
 
In Prime Minister Harper's Alberta stronghold, the Tories stood at 61 per cent — almost double the support of all the other parties combined. The Greens were at 14 per cent, the Liberals at 13 and the NDP at eight.

There's more to be said when the Greens in Alberta out poll the Liberals.
 
....via the Toronto Star - highlights mine:
.... “If we have one duty to this country, it is to make sure a Liberal, NDP, Bloc Québécois coalition can never govern this country,” Harper told a crowd of a few hundred at the Deer Creek Golf and Banquet Facility. “Canadians don’t want an election, and our government is not seeking an election.” .... “The next election will be a choice between a coalition government of the Liberal, NDP and Bloc Québécois, or a stable Conservative majority government for this country,” he said ....
So that's who he seems to think is the electorate's other choice in the coming campaign, whenever it comes.
 
Regardless of what Jack, Giles or Iggy say or do, they have left that impression deep in the minds of the Canadian public (and this includes the severely normal, who are generally uninterested in politics), so they really only have themselves to blame.

Some real game changers would include a "coalition of the winners", where Blue Liberals cross the ailse and caucus with the CPC, or the demographic shift of 2014, where there will finally be enough seats outside of Quebec to allow a majority government (of ay sort) to be formed without reference to Quebec. A NDP/Liberal merger where the Orange Liberals go over to Jack Layton is a lesser possibility, unless the caucus is tired of having empty suits as leaders. This is more natural perhaps than the "coalition of the winners", since the Liberal party has been shifting ever farther Left since Paul Martin became PM, and many high ranking Liberals have come over from the NDP in the past. Maybe Bob Rae's real goal is the bring the Left wing of the liberal party home with him...
 
Although I regard Tom Kent as one of the principle architects of the decline (and at least stumble of not, yet, fall) of Canada (see: Kingston Conference, 1960) I agree with what he says in this piece, reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions (§29) of the Copyright Act from the Globe and Mail:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/opinions/paying-for-politics-and-putting-power-where-it-should-be/article1685363/
Paying for politics and putting power where it should be
The issues aren’t whether there should be a limit to personal donations, but what it should be and how far giving it should be encouraged by tax remissions

Tom Kent

From Thursday's Globe and Mail

We must expect the close of the political barbecue season to be quickly followed by policy pronouncements in preparation for a 2011 federal election. Among the likeliest is a revival of the government’s proposal to abolish direct public funding of parties. It suits the ideology of Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s core supporters. Even more gratifyingly, it riles opposition politicians without giving them an issue on which they can rouse public indignation.

The current funding is lavish, thanks to the internal politics of a past Liberal government. The party had become utterly dependent on finance by corporations. Paul Martin had been showered with $12-million to ensure that he became the next leader. Consequently, in 2003, Jean Chrétien introduced the legislation that was to be his final and finest legacy for democracy. Corporate financing was to be all but prohibited.

The party’s moguls were devastated. Its president not only proclaimed business’s “beneficial” right to finance politics but also characterized Mr. Chrétien’s intended legislation as being “as dumb as a bag of nails.” Mr. Chrétien was faced with the threat of open opposition in caucus. He bought it off by the massive scale of increased public funding to offset the loss of corporate money.

This Danegeld, extracted by the Liberal heavyweights of the recent past, underlines what’s wrong with the tax financing of political warfare. It pays for much of the stealthy spin doctoring, the attack ads, the other trivia of campaigning. Few uses of public money are more indefensible.

That fundamental fault is compounded by other weaknesses. Most conspicuously, the funding as now distributed is more helpful to a regional party than to a national one. The Bloc Québécois’s share of nationwide taxation is more useful to it because its campaign spending is concentrated in one province.

Less conspicuous but greatly damaging to democratic politics is the effect of public financing on power within the parties. The money goes entirely to party headquarters, not to the constituency associations whose vigour is the root of representative democracy. Lavish tax financing has helped to make the parties more than ever centralized machines directed to manipulating opinion and power.

These and other faults could be mitigated. For example, each party’s share of public funding could be paid to its constituency associations, on a scale related to their registered membership. Besides putting power where it should be, this could remove the bias in favour of regionalism.

There is negligible chance, however, that shifting money from the party centres will become acceptable to either Mr. Harper or the Liberal Party as it is. A cut in tax funding will be mainly offset by allowing bigger personal donations.

A political party is a voluntary association of people sharing views about public policy. Its members and sympathizers are the natural source for its finances. Democracy, however, requires a limit to one person’s contribution. Otherwise, a party favoured by rich people, say, could have campaign resources quite out of proportion to public opinion. The issues for national politics are not whether there should be a limit to personal donations but what it should be and how far giving it should be encouraged, like charity, by tax remissions.

Under existing legislation, donations to parties are chiefly a subterfuge for public financing. The tax remission is so ridiculously large that the most money of your own you can give to the party of your choice is $450 a year. The nominal limit of a $1,100 donation entitles you to a tax remission of $650. That is money compulsorily provided to your party by other taxpayers, whatever their views.

If a census can be seen as an infringement of liberty, such compulsion to help finance a party not of your choice is an enormity that should be intolerable to Mr. Harper. In practice, we can at least be confident that bigger donations will not be accompanied by yet larger tax remissions.

With that proviso, a substantial increase in the ceiling for personal donations might rouse little controversy. For example, the amount you could contribute to your party from your own pocket would be multiplied fivefold, to $2,350 a year, if the ceiling were raised from the current $1,100 to $3,000.

In any event, other reforms are needed. But funding isn’t a topic for the usual style of war between the parties. Calm negotiation of fair, firm rules is how politicians could best begin to restore some public respect.

Tom Kent served as principal assistant to prime minister Lester Pearson.

First: I agree with Kent that a 2011 election is more likely than one in 2010.

Second: I am not unalterably opposed to ALL public financing of political parties but the formula for whatever funding is to be provided should be much, much less generous than today. (Today parties get $1.75 per vote; I think $0.05 per vote, multiplied by the number of provinces and territories in which the party gets, say, 7.5% of the vote, which would produce a maximum of $0.65 per vote, would be more than generous and would, as any public financing scheme should, actively penalize e.g. the Bloc Québecois for being a provincial party in a national legislature.) ($0.65 per vote would have netted the Liberals about $2.3 Million; $0.05 would have netted the BQ nearly $69,000 rather than the $2.4 Million they actually got.)

Third: I think $2,500.00± is a fair personal donation limit – offset by a sliding scale of tax deductibility: something generous like 85% of the first $750.00, 70% of the next $750 and 50% of the remaining $1,000.00 - aiming to reward the small donor. I would favour an absolute prohibition on any donations of money or services from any other entity like a corporation, firm, union, church or any other group; individual donations by individual Canadian citizens only should be the rule.

Finally: Prime Minister Harper should make election financing reform a major platform plank; it will appeal to many (most?) Canadians and it is the right thing to do.
 
My position is no public financing, but your proposal would be acceptable. Of course, Quebec will be upset, but not as upset as the addition of 30 new seats in parliament will be. Too bad those seats will more than likely be after the next election.

 
In West Kelowna, I picked up a summer special of home delivery of the G & M @ $30 per month.

It seems the papers direction is to constantly take any and all shots at the PM and the government. Even the Health Editor (or whatever she is called) the other day.

The following is a column on tonight's TV, the program "So You Think You Can Dance Canada". What does this to do with an election? Read on.

These people who write for the G & M need to get out more.

In the Official Canada, being nimble is being naughty. So You Think You Can Dance Canada shows us the flipside

John Doyle

Globe and Mail Update
Published on Tuesday, Aug. 31, 2010 12:00AM EDT

I come back with news – there are only two Canada’s. Coming to grips with this crazy place has nothing to do with multiple regions and this coast or that coast. There’s the Official Canada and the Real Canada. That’s it. Stick with me here.

First, this: Barack Obama is all over TV tonight. A Presidential Address at 8 p.m. on multiple U.S. channels, about Iraq, Afghanistan and what happens next. You can say a lot about Obma, and people do, but you can never say he’s hiding. Guy shows up, speaks directly to the camera and gets on with it. Can’t imagine him on TV, posturing on an ice floe, pretending to be on-guard for the free world and stuff. Not like some people.

Last week, watching TV at home as a civilian, was vastly entertaining. On occasion, without a drop of drink taken, I was in stitches. It seemed that every time I turned on the darn machine, there was Our Glorious Leader, up North. OGL waved at the people of the North. He made speeches for the TV cameras, and carefully positioned himself to ensure that there was a navy ship behind him and some military plane above him. The alleged charisma of OGL, a grey-haired, bespectacled, potbellied, middle-aged career economist, was meant to be enhanced by the setting and the props. And fair enough. Military boats, planes and waving at the people for the TV cameras. It’s a Glorious Leader thing, wherever the grass grows.

Next thing I knew, there was real news out of this stunt. OGL got jiggy with the locals. Or, at least, he was seen on TV waving his arms slightly and suggesting a faint movement of the hips, while others danced around him. And that’s not all – later he got into an ATV, strapped on a helmet and took the vehicle for a spin along the airport tarmac. Unscheduled moment, people. Thus he moved and he danced, sort of. While the sound of an amazed and admiring country gasping in disbelief echoed across the land, I tuned in to So You Think You Can Dance Canada.

Around about then, it struck me – there are currently two Canada’s existing side-by-side. Official Canada and Real Canada. You can see both on TV most nights of the week.

In the Official Canada, obviously embodied in Our Glorious Leader, one gets the impression that fun is rare, frowned upon, free movement of the body practically gets you arrested and being nimble is being naughty. Bounding and romping is pretty much banned and grinding your hips could land you in the hoosegow. The best things in life are discipline and routine. And going to Tim’s for a double-double. There’s no time for the art and pleasure of dance in this Canada.

In a country that considers it a newsworthy revelation that the Leader might occasionally loosen up and be having a little fun, it is downright bizarre to watch So You Think You Can Dance Canada (CTV, 8:30 P.M.). On the show, dancing and movement are life itself. Oh sure, it’s camp and occasionally outrageous, but it embodies joy and it’s dead sexy. Some of the routines would make you blush, such is the unrestrained celebration of sensuality and the beauty of movement – all those sensations and emotions that cannot be expressed in words, but only in movement. That’s the Real Canada, I think. The Canada not so concerned with words and slogans and talking points.

Ironically, mind you, the joy and beauty of dance only arrive after rigorous discipline and routine. Hard work – the events not seen on TV – is what makes it look glorious. And that includes the sexy tango and the salsa routines.

We’re in a sad state when the sight of the Leader loosening up a little is major news. The leader needs to visit So You Think You Can Dance Canada and then the two Canada’s can meet, as they must. On TV. Don’t count on it though.
 
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