China keeps bad company
Beijing is willing to make deals with the most reprehensible regimes and its growing influence is threatening to undercut the U.S. democracy crusade.
GEOFFREY YORK reports
Saturday, March 4, 2006 Posted at 2:30 PM EST
BEIJING -- When Chinese President Hu Jintao jets into Washington next month for his first White House summit, he will be arriving not merely as an economic rival of the United States but increasingly as a geopolitical rival.
For the first time since the days of Mao Zedong, the Chinese leadership is emerging as a quiet threat to U.S. dominance on the world stage. This time, however, Beijing is not pushing the discredited ideas of Maoism and Marxism. Instead, it is offering a more alluring idea: that the autocracies of the developing world can stand up to Washington's pressure by forming their own profitable alliances in business and trade.
From Angola to Zimbabwe, from Myanmar to Sudan, some of the world's nastiest regimes are enjoying the fruits of China's financial support. With its newfound economic muscle and its amoral zeal to do business with anyone, China is propping up a host of tyrants and dictators who might not otherwise survive.
Most of the geopolitical rivalry will be politely ignored in the discussions between Hu Jintao and George W. Bush. But the enigmatic Chinese President will be viewed warily in Washington, where concern is growing that China now has the economic clout to challenge the U.S. democracy crusade in the "rogue states" of the Middle East, Asia and Africa.
As China moves rapidly toward superpower status, its model of moral neutrality is increasingly attractive to many developing countries -- especially at a time when the United States is often seen as a self-righteous bully. The new mantra of Chinese foreign policy was enunciated by a deputy foreign minister, Zhou Wenzhong, when he was asked about China's support for the brutal military regime in Sudan, which stands accused of war crimes and genocide. "Business is business," Mr. Zhou said. "We try to separate politics from business. I think the internal situation in the Sudan is an internal affair, and we are not in a position to impose upon them."
What Mr. Zhou failed to mention was the self-interest of the dealings between China and Sudan. In the wake of U.S. sanctions against it in 1997, Sudan needed a foreign sponsor. China, meanwhile, needed oil to fuel its economic boom. Beijing supplied tanks and fighter aircraft to Sudan in a deal beneficial to both sides.
Today, Sudan provides 10 per cent of China's oil imports, while Beijing provides enough economic and diplomatic aid to shield Sudan from U.S. pressure.
This basic creed -- business comes first, and self-interest is all that matters -- was more explicitly illustrated last year when Beijing gave a red-carpet welcome to Uzbekistan strongman Islam Karimov.
Just two weeks earlier, Mr. Karimov's regime had launched a bloody crackdown on peaceful protesters in the town of Andijan, killing hundreds of them.
But when he arrived in Beijing, he was given a 21-gun salute and a state dinner. China called him "an old friend of the Chinese people" and praised him for his crackdown on the "extremists." And then the two countries rewarded each other with a $600-million (U.S.) oil and gas deal.
Iran and North Korea provide another example. China is giving so much economic and diplomatic support to both regimes that they can resist U.S. pressure to dismantle their nuclear programs.
Again, self-interest is at the core of these alliances. Iranian oil is the biggest item in the $10-billion annual trade between Iran and China -- and this two-way trade is expected to jump to $100-billion a year as a result of a new deal to send Iranian natural gas to China.
In the Korean peninsula, China provides 80 per cent of North Korea's consumer goods and 40 per cent of its foreign trade, and it has invested about $2-billion in infrastructure. Look at any of the world's most autocratic regimes and you can usually find a Chinese role in propping it up. China is providing billions of dollars worth of military aid to countries such as Russia and Myanmar, despite their internal wars and human-rights abuses. It has close relations with Cuba and Venezuela.
It gives loans and military aid to Robert Mugabe, the iron-fisted ruler of Zimbabwe, who has offered China access to his gold and platinum and other mineral resources. It gave a $2-billion loan to Angola, a key supplier of oil to China, despite the country's long record of human-rights abuses. It gave military aid to Nepal, even after its king seized absolute power last year.
China has another reason for its moral neutrality, of course. By promoting the concept of non-interference in domestic affairs, it is making it harder for the outside world to interfere in its own domestic policies, including its human-rights abuses, its jailing of dissidents, its crackdown on Tibet, its attacks on religious freedom and its threats of war against Taiwan.
China's global influence has been immensely strengthened by its economic boom, which is triggering a far-reaching shift in the worldwide balance of power. Its extraordinary growth has helped legitimize a new model of governance, sometimes called the "Beijing Consensus."
In the years of triumphalism after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the "Washington Consensus" dominated the ideology of most developing countries. This was the ideology of privatization, deregulation, free markets and democratic governance, all promoted heavily by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund from their head offices in Washington.
The Beijing Consensus rejects the Washington Consensus and promotes other priorities: rapid growth, state-led development, technological modernization, state intervention in the economy, tight political control over society to ensure social stability, and a respect for "national sovereignty" regardless of a regime's internal practices.
"The Washington Consensus was a hallmark of end-of-history arrogance; it left a trail of destroyed economies and bad feelings around the globe," says Joshua Cooper Ramo, a consultant and professor at Tsinghua University in Beijing who coined the term "Beijing Consensus" in a paper for the Foreign Policy Centre in London.
"China's rise is already reshaping the international order by introducing a new physics of development and power," he wrote. "China's new ideas are having a gigantic effect outside of China. . . . China is in the process of building the greatest asymmetric superpower the world has ever seen, a nation that relies less on traditional tools of power projection than any in history and leads instead by the electric power of its example and the bluff impact of size."
The ideas of the Beijing Consensus, he wrote, are "defined by a ruthless willingness to innovate and experiment, by a lively defence of national borders and interests, and by the increasingly thoughtful accumulation of tools of asymmetric power projection."
China is too cautious to embrace these ideas as an official doctrine, but it clearly approves of them. In an article in People's Daily last year, Chinese scholars praised the concept of a Beijing Consensus. "Because of its . . . practical superiority, it will be a 'consensus' accepted by more and more people and of growing influence in the world, particularly among developing countries," former Beijing University president Wu Shuqing said.
As the China model expands across the developing world, the United States is still struggling for a response. But its anxiety is growing. One U.S. scholar, Kenneth Lieberthal, says there is a split among China-watchers in Washington. One group sees China as a potential enemy of the United States by about 2020. The other group sees China as an inevitable enemy by 2020.
And so, despite the friendly rhetoric that will emanate from the White House when Mr. Hu arrives in Washington, many U.S. strategists will see him not as a partner but as a competitor -- perhaps the only competitor strong enough to challenge U.S. dominance in the world.
Into Africa
China had warm words of praise for Robert Mugabe when the autocratic Zimbabwean ruler arrived in Beijing last year.
The tyrant of Harare was given an honorary degree by the leaders of Beijing's foreign affairs college, who lauded him for his "brilliant contribution" to diplomacy and international relations. Chinese officials called him "a man of strong convictions, a man of great achievements [and] a man devoted to preserving world peace."
In Zimbabwe, where Mr. Mugabe is widely reviled as a dictator, China has rushed to provide gifts to the strongman. It donated the roofing material for his lavish $9-million Saddam Hussein-style palace and filled it with luxurious knickknacks.
China has also given him military hardware, fighter aircraft, interest-free loans, technology for his censors and secret police, and even T-shirts for his election team. Thousands of Chinese businessmen and farmers have poured into Zimbabwe, replacing the Western investors who have almost all withdrawn from the country because of Mr. Mugabe's blatant human-rights abuses.
It's all part of China's relentless campaign to win influence in Africa. While the West is losing interest in the continent, Beijing sees it as a crucial source of oil and minerals.
The signs of Chinese largesse are evident all across Africa. Luxury housing is a popular gift. In addition to the roof for Mr. Mugabe's palace, China donated almost $7-million to build a palace for the President of Namibia. When it gave a $2-billion loan to Angola, it included a gift of a housing compound for high-ranking Angolan officials -- surrounded by a security fence to ensure that the rabble cannot enter.
More than luxury villas are involved, of course. China launched Nigeria's first satellite into orbit and has promised more help on satellite launches. It has invested $300-million in copper mines and other industrial projects in Zambia. It has become the top supplier of military aid to Sudan.
In exchange for its generosity, China has signed at least 40 oil agreements with various African leaders, and it has signed a further 31 agreements to provide debt relief.
Chinese investment in Africa soared to $18-billion in 2003, up from $10-billion in 2000. At the same time, China has become the third-biggest trading partner in Africa, behind only the United States and Britain. Trade between China and Africa reached almost $30-billion in 2004, up by 59 per cent from the previous year.
All of this has helped to guarantee future supplies of oil and minerals to fuel China's industrial growth. But more than these concrete rewards, China has gained something else: a huge increase in influence in the developing world.
It remains to be seen how China will exploit this influence, but so far it has provided one obvious result: It has helped to ensure the survival of the rulers of Zimbabwe and Sudan, two of the most autocratic and abusive regimes in the world.
-- Geoffrey York
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