https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/indigenous-services-cabinet-shuffle-wilson-raybould-1.5045932
Trudeau's offer of Indigenous Services to Wilson-Raybould like 'asking Nelson Mandela to administer apartheid'
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B.C. regional chief says suggested move shows Trudeau favours symbolism over substance
Jorge Barrera CBC News Posted: Mar 06, 2019 6:59 PM ET
The prime minister's attempt to move Jody Wilson-Raybould to the Indigenous Services portfolio was a 'deeply humiliating' proposal and shows a lack of understanding and disconnect from First Nations' world view, say Indigenous leaders and analysts.
Gerald Butts, the prime minister's former principal secretary, testified before the House of Commons justice committee Wednesday that the former cabinet minister was moved to Veterans Affairs from Justice after refusing to take on the Indigenous Services portfolio, and that the shuffle had nothing to do with her refusal to intervene on the SNC-Lavalin criminal prosecution.
It was concern over maintaining the reconciliation momentum that led Trudeau to move Wilson-Raybould from Justice to Indigenous Services, said Butts.
Jane Philpott, who was an admired Indigenous Services minister, had to be moved to Treasury Board to replace the outgoing Scott Brison, and, in Trudeau's mind, Wilson-Raybould was the perfect fit to replace her, said Butts.
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Hayden King, executive director of the Yellowhead Institute at Ryerson University, said he sees a sub-narrative embedded in Butts' testimony, along with Privy Council Clerk Michael Wernick's statements before the committee earlier this month.
"They are, I think, framing Wilson-Raybould's resistance [to SNC-Lavalin intervention] as being wrapped up in her Indigenous politics," said King.
"This is a part of narrative that they are trying to package.... I think they are trying to convey to Canadians something here about trouble-making Indigenous people."
https://globalnews.ca/news/5029335/analysis-trudeau-wilson-raybould-snc-lavalin-about-politics/
March 6, 2019 9:43 pm
ANALYSIS: Despite protests from top Trudeau aide, Wilson-Raybould was right - SNC-Lavalin is about politics, not jobs
By David Akin
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The government that likes to tell you it's all about 'evidence-based policy' has no evidence that "a minimum of 9,000 jobs" were hanging in the balance. They've just been spitballing that number.
"Did you seek independent evidence or any evidence that there was a threat to jobs?" Green Party MP Elizabeth May asked Butts Wednesday. "Based on the 2018 audited financial statements of SNC-Lavalin, they currently have $15 billion in back orders." She's right. "They have a very secure financial situation with gross revenues of $10 billion." She's right again.
"Is there any evidence that jobs were actually at stake by letting this go through the courts?" May asked Butts.
"I can't recall anything specific," Butts replied. He mumbled something about some briefings he got from the folks at the federal department of finance. These finance officials would be the same gang, one assumes, that once advised the Trudeau government it would be a good idea to raise taxes on small business owners like farmers, dentists, doctors, insurance brokers and so on because they were, after all, tax cheats. Once bitten, twice shy, I'd say, about any advice I got from the federal finance department.
In any event, Butts could not point to a single report, document, statistic, prognostication, or written record where someone said "a minimum of 9,000 jobs" was out the window if Wilson-Raybould did not do as encouraged.
https://nationalpost.com/opinion/christie-blatchford-the-circus-comes-to-parliament-hill
Christie Blatchford: The circus comes to Parliament Hill
And there you have it. That's where the bar is. Easy to see who's above it, and who is not
Christie Blatchford
March 6, 2019 8:10 PM EST
You know how, when the circus comes to town, or a big fair, it's always tricky deciding where to go first: The ferris wheel, or the games of chance? The haunted house, or the roller coaster? Cotton candy or the little doughnuts?
So it was with the justice committee Wednesday, where Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's former principal secretary Gerry Butts and Clerk of the Privy Council Michael Wernick, in round two at the committee, duelled for the attention and regard of Canadians, from coast to coast to coast, as the PM is so fond of saying.
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Butts was shocked, he said.
Why, he'd never seen such a thing before. JWR said she had spent her life fighting the Indian Act and couldn't now be in charge of programs administered under it.
He gave his best advice to Trudeau, told him he couldn't allow a minister to dictate where she would or wouldn't go; that would lead to chaos. Thus, she was briefly moved to veterans affairs, from whence she resigned from cabinet.
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Anyway, he certainly accepts "that two people can experience the same event differently"; if ever you wondered where the PM's explanation of the Kokanee grope came from, you may now know.
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In reply to one of the committee's best questioners, Conservative Lisa Raitt, and after he'd referred to texts and messages he sent JWR or she him, Butts allowed that he "acquired the ability" through his lawyer to get access to his phone.
Compare that, if you will, to the accused former Vice-Chief of the Defence Staff, Mark Norman, whom this government is so avidly prosecuting. His lawyers have been asking for access to his emails and texts since October. Thus far, no access.
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When his toughest questioners dared interrupt him, Wernick pushed back. "Excuse me sir! Excuse me sir!" or appealed to the chair. At one point, he said, "I know many members (of the committee) said they believed every word" of JWR's testimony, and reminded them that "part of what she said was that nothing veered into criminal" conduct.
To which, the non-Liberal members of the committee cried, "That's the bar? It's not criminal?"
And there you have it. That's where the bar is. Easy to see who's above it, and who is not.
https://nationalpost.com/opinion/andrew-coyne-it-was-wilson-rayboulds-decision-to-make-as-long-as-she-decided-it-their-way?video_autoplay=true
Andrew Coyne: It was Wilson-Raybould's decision to make, as long as she decided it their way
There's a way to sort this out: subpoena all communication on the subject between the players named. Sorry - the Liberal majority voted not to do so
More than once in the course of his testimony to the Commons justice committee Gerald Butts said that he was not there to call anyone names or to cast aspersions on the character of Jody Wilson-Raybould.
Which is why the prime minister's former principal secretary confined himself to depicting her as sloppy, closed-minded and unco-operative, while heavily implying the former minister of justice and attorney general of Canada was a serial fabulist who said nothing to anyone about attempts to interfere with her authority over criminal prosecutions until after she was shuffled out of her "dream job" in January. Otherwise he might have gotten really nasty.
And yet he offered little that contradicted what she had earlier told the committee - that she was pressured to overrule the decision of the director of public prosecutions to proceed with charges of fraud and corruption against SNC-Lavalin, rather than to offer it the remediation agreement it had sought.
To be sure, on the specific charge against him, that he had told her chief of staff in a meeting on Dec. 18 that "there's no solution that doesn't involve some interference," he had "a very different recollection." Variations on that theme were to be heard later from the clerk of the privy council, Michael Wernick, who had "no recollection" of a variety of statements attributed to him - that SNC-Lavalin would move its headquarters from Montreal if it did not get its way, or that something unfortunate might happen to her career if she kept crossing the prime minister.
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Just so, she was told: the decision was hers and hers alone to make. She was the "final decision-maker." Only the decision was also "never final." She could make it, that is, but she would have everyone from the prime minister on down coming back to her again and again - not because there was any fresh evidence, but just because they could - all the while implicitly questioning her judgment, in the sly form of that repeated suggestion that she seek an outside legal opinion.
This last is a distraction. The attorney general has available to her all the legal advice she requires. The only point of demanding she seek a second opinion was because they did not like the first. In any case, whether to seek outside advice is, again, the attorney general's decision to make, in the same way as it is her choice whether to seek the advice of her colleagues - as opposed to the unsolicited advice that Butts, Wernick and others were pressing upon her.
Ah, but if she felt this was interference, Butts wondered aloud, why didn't she tell anyone? If she had made up her mind, why didn't she say anything?
According to her testimony, she did: to the prime minister, at their Sept. 17 meeting ("I told him that I had done my due diligence and made up my mind on SNC"); to the clerk, at the same meeting; to the finance minister on Sept. 19 ("I told him that engagements from his office to mine on SNC had to stop - that they were inappropriate"); to Matthieu Bouchard and Elder Marques, officials in the PMO, on Nov. 22 ("I said NO. My mind had been made up and they needed to stop – enough"); and to Butts himself, on Dec. 5 ("I needed everyone to stop talking to me about SNC as I had made up my mind and the engagements were inappropriate").
Yet Butts told the committee he only learned that she considered her decision final during her testimony before the committee last week. Not only did he not recall her telling him, but neither the prime minister nor the clerk nor the finance minister nor the two PMO officials who reported to him breathed a word. Or was the problem, as he said at another point, that she did not tell the prime minister "in writing"?
Well, there's one way to sort this out: subpoena all emails, texts and other communication on the subject between the players named. Sorry - the Liberal majority on the committee voted not to do so. OK, then invite Wilson-Raybould back to testify, as Wernick was, and this time let her speak to the conversations surrounding her demotion from Justice - as Butts did at some length. No again, said the Liberal majority. Fine, well at least let's hear from some of the other players, starting with Bouchard and Marques. They are as yet not on the witness list.
On the other hand, the prime minister is reported to be weighing whether to make a statement of contrition. I suppose that will have to suffice.
https://nationalpost.com/opinion/colby-cosh-so-who-is-misremembering-butts-or-wilson-raybould?video_autoplay=true
Colby Cosh: So who is 'misremembering' - Butts or Wilson-Raybould?
Of course he does not mean to cast any aspersions on the former attorney general or dispute her account of events. No no no
Colby Cosh
March 6, 2019 5:20 PM EST
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The Liberal government's SNC situation clearly has a traplike nature. Until the criminal charges against SNC-Lavalin are heard in a trial and resolved, or until they are abandoned, the thing will remain news, and Liberals will suffer.
The government's line is that it was inappropriate for former attorney general Jody Wilson-Raybould to make a final commitment to leaving her Director of Public Prosecutions alone and to living with the decision not to enter a plea-bargaining process with SNC-Lavalin. Her successor in the office, David Lametti, will not make such a commitment now. We will never get the reassurance of hearing that the matter is closed. The professed view of cabinet, what's left of it, is that it would be wrong to close it.
The government has tried to explain its belabouring of Wilson-Raybould as being perfectly appropriate. She was supposed to verrrry carefully consider the fate of 9,000 SNC-Lavalin jobs and a head office in Quebec, and then consider it again, and then consider it again. Butts tells us that they weren't looking for a particular politically convenient answer, mind you.
They just stayed after her to keep reconsidering the answer she kept giving, explicitly or implicitly. They reassured her at every turn that the decision was hers. And then they got rid of her and made it someone else's.
<snip>
But of course he does not mean to cast any aspersions on the former attorney general or dispute her factual account of events. No no no. Butts was not in a position to say in plain English that Wilson-Raybould had told untruths; that would look bad.
He is, whether he intends to, creating a pretext for Liberal surrogates in the media to say that Wilson-Raybould probably revised or obfuscated her memory of late 2018. Who knows who's telling the truth, really. But it looks like maybe Wilson-Raybould is bent on some kinda demented kamikaze revenge. Or maybe an undemocratic takeover of the Liberal party. See if we don't hear people saying all these things, and more.
In any events, the Butts story is that the January cabinet shuffle precipitated by Scott Brison's resignation was pure bad luck. Why Wilson-Raybould's position as justice minister would necessarily be involved in the shuffle at all was poorly explained. But Butts wants us to believe that the initial offer to transfer Wilson-Raybould to the Indigenous services ministry was actually a sign of the prime minister's high regard for her.
She balked, as an Indigenous person who did not want to be in the position of having anything to do with the Indian Act. This is a pretty common attitude, one might even say a prevalent one, among our First Nations. Butts admits he ought to have known that Wilson-Raybould might feel this way, although he does not say that the catastrophic aftereffects of the request - given that he and the PM couldn't just leave her the hell alone at Justice - were the reason he resigned. (Why not? It seems like as good a reason as any. Isn't this an instance of privilege-induced blindness causing harm?)
In theory, if you wanted to get rid of a truculent justice minister who won't put a thumb on the scales of justice, offering her a job you know she will never, ever take seems like a good way to set about doing that. But this is just an unhappy coincidence, and we are not to draw inferences from it. I would conclude that "The Liberal government undoubtedly meant well," but saying this sarcastically has, I am afraid, already become a Canadian cliché.
https://www.thestar.com/politics/political-opinion/2019/03/06/justin-trudeaus-snc-lavalin-explanation-cant-come-soon-enough.html
Justin Trudeau's SNC-Lavalin explanation can't come soon enough
By Chantal HébertStar Columnist Wed., March 6, 2019
When Gerald Butts appeared in front of the House of Commons justice committee on Wednesday, he did not to try to topple Jody Wilson-Raybould from her truth-teller pedestal in the SNC-Lavalin affair - almost certainly an impossible mission - but he did chip away at its base.
From the same basic facts, Justin Trudeau's former principal secretary wove a strikingly different narrative of the interactions that took place between the prime minister, his inner circle and the former attorney general over the handling of the judicial file of the Montreal engineering firm.
https://nationalpost.com/opinion/john-ivison-the-near-certainty-of-liberal-wrongdoing-now-reduced-to-a-nagging-suspicion?utm_campaign=magnet&utm_source=article_page&utm_medium=recommended_articles
John Ivison: The near certainty of political interference now reduced to a nagging suspicion
Despite its shortcomings, Gerald Butts' account was the first coherent counter-narrative to the one offered by Wilson-Raybould
John Ivison
March 6, 2019 6:42 PM EST
Gerald Butts' testimony at the justice committee did not present any exculpatory evidence that would exonerate the Trudeau government from allegations that it engaged in a pattern of interference in the independence of the attorney general.
But he may have placed doubt in the minds of the jury.
Justin Trudeau's former principal secretary made clear he was not going to engage in a mud-slinging contest with Jody Wilson-Raybould over her testimony before the same committee last week. Instead, he gave a calm counter-argument to many of the points she raised.
However, his powers of persuasion were lacking when questions moved to exchanges between the former attorney general and members of the prime minister's staff, and the clerk of the Privy Council – conversations in which Butts was not directly involved and about which he was reduced to offering robust character references.
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n one curious episode, Butts said he learned just last week in her testimony that Wilson-Raybould made her final decision not to overrule the DPP on September 16 – even though in her testimony she said she told Trudeau she had made up her mind during their meeting on September 17.
It seems inconceivable that this information was not passed on to Butts, but this blissful ignorance allowed him and others in the PMO to continue to urge Wilson-Raybould to take another look at the file.
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(This opinion piece is not being well-accepted in the comments section - Loachman)