Elinor Sloan . A better Afghanistan policy
Elinor Sloan
Citizen Special
Tuesday, December 18, 2007
In an article that appeared last week in this newspaper, political scientist Michael Byers argued that the Independent Panel on Canada's Future Role in Afghanistan is a sham. The panel, he alleged, is made up of people who are likely to recommend an extension of Canada's military mission there, and the outcome is predetermined because all of the panel's options have some sort of a military role. Mr. Byers seems to suggest that Canada is in Afghanistan mainly to follow America's bidding.
Mr. Byers' effort to delegitimize the Manley panel does not stand up to scrutiny. For example, part of his case against John Manley, the panel's chair, is that last fall Mr. Manley wrote an article in the journal Policy Options stating that we should not abandon Afghanistan. In fact, Mr. Manley wrote the article in his capacity as a director of CARE Canada. It is based on a May 2007 trip to Afghanistan, and it focuses almost entirely on Canada's humanitarian involvement there. It concludes with observations like the need to build roads and bridges, and to restore electricity.
To any fair-minded reader, the article shows only that Mr. Manley understands the complexities of creating a sustainable society in Afghanistan and, perhaps more importantly, that he cares about what happens there. (Full disclosure: In 2005 Mr. Manley wrote a statement praising my book Security and Defence in the Terrorist Era.)
Mr. Manley's knowledge of Afghanistan - he served as Canada's foreign minister - was likely a big part of why he was asked to chair this panel and why he accepted. Mr. Byers suggests that Mr. Manley, a Liberal, agreed to chair a panel for the Conservative government not because he has real expertise and interest in the future of that country, but simply because he felt duty bound to answer a prime minister's call. Yet as Janice Stein, a University of Toronto academic who accompanied Mr. Manley on his trip, notes in her recent book Unexpected War: Canada in Kandahar, Mr. Manley felt no such duty to answer former prime minister Paul Martin's call to be ambassador to the United States in 2003, despite the fact that he was from the same party and government.
Mr. Byers also implies that the ties of two other panel members - Derek Burney and Paul Tellier - to the Canadian defence industry would somehow incline them to support the mission in Afghanistan. But Canadians know there is no shortage of work for the Canadian Forces around the world. If the Afghanistan mission were to end tomorrow, there would be plenty of other spots where the military could be asked to go. Already there is considerable pressure for a military role in Sudan.
Mr. Byers invokes the Iraq Study Group as a model of an independent panel with a mandate to look at the full range of issues surrounding a policy decision. Co-chaired as it was by James Baker, secretary of state in the first George Bush's administration and a close Bush family friend, this may not be a good example.
However, the the Iraq Study Group did have the luxury, as Mr. Byers points out, of operating "on its own timetable," which ended up being about nine months. By contrast, Canada's panel has been given only three months.
The short deadline of January 31, 2008 is driven by the fact that Canada is committed to Afghanistan until February 2009. We need to give our allies in NATO about a year's notice about our plans. The United States will be affected by our decision, but so too will be Britain and the Netherlands, among others, with whom the Canadian Forces is working in southern Afghanistan.
The idea that the Manley panel is part of some political plan to win favour with the Americans is absurd if only because the options the panel is considering are very different from the U.S. approach.
As the Washington Post recently reported, U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates wants to shift alliance strategy in Afghanistan from one of rebuilding to one of waging a "classic counterinsurgency." Of the approaches being considered by the Manley panel, Option 1 provides for the greatest future military role, but it centres on building and training the Afghan army and police. Option 2, on the other hand, focuses on development and governance in Kandahar, while option 3 talks about these same things in some other part of Afghanistan, with the military role being to protect the civilians carrying out these tasks. Option 4 is basically military withdrawal.
None of the Canadian options comes close to what the Americans envision in terms of "counterinsurgency." Canada very clearly is thinking for itself in crafting a policy for Afghanistan.
Mr. Byers was invited to discuss his own ideas with the Manley panel, but he declined. His arguments for doing so were misguided. What Canada needs is not ideological grandstanding, but constructive ideas and recommendations.
Elinor Sloan teaches international security studies at Carleton University, and is a fellow with the Canadian Defence and Foreign Affairs Institute.
© The Ottawa Citizen 2007