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Why Democracies succeed

a_majoor

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Just watching the news, reading most newspapers or even some posts on this and other threads, you see and hear perplexed people. They wonder why the United States, and its allies in the Coallition are able to face danger and debilitating hardships, be willing to spend vast sums of money, endure constant criticism. Worse yet, they cannot understand why the objects of their contempt continue to succeed.

The statesman Pericles explains why this is possible as follows:

"Most of my predecessors in this place have commended him who made this speech part of the law, telling us that it is well that it should be delivered at the burial of those who fall in battle. For myself, I should have thought that the worth which had displayed itself in deeds would be sufficiently rewarded by honours also shown by deeds; such as you now see in this funeral prepared at the people's cost. And I could have wished that the reputations of many brave men were not to be imperilled in the mouth of a single individual, to stand or fall according as he spoke well or ill. For it is hard to speak properly upon a subject where it is even difficult to convince your hearers that you are speaking the truth. On the one hand, the friend who is familiar with every fact of the story may think that some point has not been set forth with that fullness which he wishes and knows it to deserve; on the other, he who is a stranger to the matter may be led by envy to suspect exaggeration if he hears anything above his own nature. For men can endure to hear others praised only so long as they can severally persuade themselves of their own ability to equal the actions recounted: when this point is passed, envy comes in and with it incredulity. However, since our ancestors have stamped this custom with their approval, it becomes my duty to obey the law and to try to satisfy your several wishes and opinions as best I may.

"I shall begin with our ancestors: it is both just and proper that they should have the honour of the first mention on an occasion like the present. They dwelt in the country without break in the succession from generation to generation, and handed it down free to the present time by their valour. And if our more remote ancestors deserve praise, much more do our own fathers, who added to their inheritance the empire which we now possess, and spared no pains to be able to leave their acquisitions to us of the present generation. Lastly, there are few parts of our dominions that have not been augmented by those of us here, who are still more or less in the vigour of life; while the mother country has been furnished by us with everything that can enable her to depend on her own resources whether for war or for peace. That part of our history which tells of the military achievements which gave us our several possessions, or of the ready valour with which either we or our fathers stemmed the tide of Hellenic or foreign aggression, is a theme too familiar to my hearers for me to dilate on, and I shall therefore pass it by. But what was the road by which we reached our position, what the form of government under which our greatness grew, what the national habits out of which it sprang; these are questions which I may try to solve before I proceed to my panegyric upon these men; since I think this to be a subject upon which on the present occasion a speaker may properly dwell, and to which the whole assemblage, whether citizens or foreigners, may listen with advantage.

"Our constitution does not copy the laws of neighbouring states; we are rather a pattern to others than imitators ourselves. Its administration favours the many instead of the few; this is why it is called a democracy. If we look to the laws, they afford equal justice to all in their private differences; if no social standing, advancement in public life falls to reputation for capacity, class considerations not being allowed to interfere with merit; nor again does poverty bar the way, if a man is able to serve the state, he is not hindered by the obscurity of his condition. The freedom which we enjoy in our government extends also to our ordinary life. There, far from exercising a jealous surveillance over each other, we do not feel called upon to be angry with our neighbour for doing what he likes, or even to indulge in those injurious looks which cannot fail to be offensive, although they inflict no positive penalty. But all this ease in our private relations does not make us lawless as citizens. Against this fear is our chief safeguard, teaching us to obey the magistrates and the laws, particularly such as regard the protection of the injured, whether they are actually on the statute book, or belong to that code which, although unwritten, yet cannot be broken without acknowledged disgrace.

"Further, we provide plenty of means for the mind to refresh itself from business. We celebrate games and sacrifices all the year round, and the elegance of our private establishments forms a daily source of pleasure and helps to banish the spleen; while the magnitude of our city draws the produce of the world into our harbour, so that to the Athenian the fruits of other countries are as familiar a luxury as those of his own.

"If we turn to our military policy, there also we differ from our antagonists. We throw open our city to the world, and never by alien acts exclude foreigners from any opportunity of learning or observing, although the eyes of an enemy may occasionally profit by our liberality; trusting less in system and policy than to the native spirit of our citizens; while in education, where our rivals from their very cradles by a painful discipline seek after manliness, at Athens we live exactly as we please, and yet are just as ready to encounter every legitimate danger. In proof of this it may be noticed that the Lacedaemonians do not invade our country alone, but bring with them all their confederates; while we Athenians advance unsupported into the territory of a neighbour, and fighting upon a foreign soil usually vanquish with ease men who are defending their homes. Our united force was never yet encountered by any enemy, because we have at once to attend to our marine and to dispatch our citizens by land upon a hundred different services; so that, wherever they engage with some such fraction of our strength, a success against a detachment is magnified into a victory over the nation, and a defeat into a reverse suffered at the hands of our entire people. And yet if with habits not of labour but of ease, and courage not of art but of nature, we are still willing to encounter danger, we have the double advantage of escaping the experience of hardships in anticipation and of facing them in the hour of need as fearlessly as those who are never free from them.

"Nor are these the only points in which our city is worthy of admiration. We cultivate refinement without extravagance and knowledge without effeminacy; wealth we employ more for use than for show, and place the real disgrace of poverty not in owning to the fact but in declining the struggle against it. Our public men have, besides politics, their private affairs to attend to, and our ordinary citizens, though occupied with the pursuits of industry, are still fair judges of public matters; for, unlike any other nation, regarding him who takes no part in these duties not as unambitious but as useless, we Athenians are able to judge at all events if we cannot originate, and, instead of looking on discussion as a stumbling-block in the way of action, we think it an indispensable preliminary to any wise action at all. Again, in our enterprises we present the singular spectacle of daring and deliberation, each carried to its highest point, and both united in the same persons; although usually decision is the fruit of ignorance, hesitation of reflection. But the palm of courage will surely be adjudged most justly to those, who best know the difference between hardship and pleasure and yet are never tempted to shrink from danger. In generosity we are equally singular, acquiring our friends by conferring, not by receiving, favours. Yet, of course, the doer of the favour is the firmer friend of the two, in order by continued kindness to keep the recipient in his debt; while the debtor feels less keenly from the very consciousness that the return he makes will be a payment, not a free gift. And it is only the Athenians, who, fearless of consequences, confer their benefits not from calculations of expediency, but in the confidence of liberality.

"In short, I say that as a city we are the school of Hellas, while I doubt if the world can produce a man who, where he has only himself to depend upon, is equal to so many emergencies, and graced by so happy a versatility, as the Athenian. And that this is no mere boast thrown out for the occasion, but plain matter of fact, the power of the state acquired by these habits proves. For Athens alone of her contemporaries is found when tested to be greater than her reputation, and alone gives no occasion to her assailants to blush at the antagonist by whom they have been worsted, or to her subjects to question her title by merit to rule. Rather, the admiration of the present and succeeding ages will be ours, since we have not left our power without witness, but have shown it by mighty proofs; and far from needing a Homer for our panegyrist, or other of his craft whose verses might charm for the moment only for the impression which they gave to melt at the touch of fact, we have forced every sea and land to be the highway of our daring, and everywhere, whether for evil or for good, have left imperishable monuments behind us. Such is the Athens for which these men, in the assertion of their resolve not to lose her, nobly fought and died; and well may every one of their survivors be ready to suffer in her cause.

"Indeed if I have dwelt at some length upon the character of our country, it has been to show that our stake in the struggle is not the same as theirs who have no such blessings to lose, and also that the panegyric of the men over whom I am now speaking might be by definite proofs established. That panegyric is now in a great measure complete; for the Athens that I have celebrated is only what the heroism of these and their like have made her, men whose fame, unlike that of most Hellenes, will be found to be only commensurate with their deserts. And if a test of worth be wanted, it is to be found in their closing scene, and this not only in cases in which it set the final seal upon their merit, but also in those in which it gave the first intimation of their having any. For there is justice in the claim that steadfastness in his country's battles should be as a cloak to cover a man's other imperfections; since the good action has blotted out the bad, and his merit as a citizen more than outweighed his demerits as an individual. But none of these allowed either wealth with its prospect of future enjoyment to unnerve his spirit, or poverty with its hope of a day of freedom and riches to tempt him to shrink from danger. No, holding that vengeance upon their enemies was more to be desired than any personal blessings, and reckoning this to be the most glorious of hazards, they joyfully determined to accept the risk, to make sure of their vengeance, and to let their wishes wait; and while committing to hope the uncertainty of final success, in the business before them they thought fit to act boldly and trust in themselves. Thus choosing to die resisting, rather than to live submitting, they fled only from dishonour, but met danger face to face, and after one brief moment, while at the summit of their fortune, escaped, not from their fear, but from their glory.

"So died these men as became Athenians. You, their survivors, must determine to have as unfaltering a resolution in the field, though you may pray that it may have a happier issue. And not contented with ideas derived only from words of the advantages which are bound up with the defence of your country, though these would furnish a valuable text to a speaker even before an audience so alive to them as the present, you must yourselves realize the power of Athens, and feed your eyes upon her from day to day, till love of her fills your hearts; and then, when all her greatness shall break upon you, you must reflect that it was by courage, sense of duty, and a keen feeling of honour in action that men were enabled to win all this, and that no personal failure in an enterprise could make them consent to deprive their country of their valour, but they laid it at her feet as the most glorious contribution that they could offer. For this offering of their lives made in common by them all they each of them individually received that renown which never grows old, and for a sepulchre, not so much that in which their bones have been deposited, but that noblest of shrines wherein their glory is laid up to be eternally remembered upon every occasion on which deed or story shall call for its commemoration. For heroes have the whole earth for their tomb; and in lands far from their own, where the column with its epitaph declares it, there is enshrined in every breast a record unwritten with no tablet to preserve it, except that of the heart. These take as your model and, judging happiness to be the fruit of freedom and freedom of valour, never decline the dangers of war. For it is not the miserable that would most justly be unsparing of their lives; these have nothing to hope for: it is rather they to whom continued life may bring reverses as yet unknown, and to whom a fall, if it came, would be most tremendous in its consequences. And surely, to a man of spirit, the degradation of cowardice must be immeasurably more grievous than the unfelt death which strikes him in the midst of his strength and patriotism!

"Comfort, therefore, not condolence, is what I have to offer to the parents of the dead who may be here. Numberless are the chances to which, as they know, the life of man is subject; but fortunate indeed are they who draw for their lot a death so glorious as that which has caused your mourning, and to whom life has been so exactly measured as to terminate in the happiness in which it has been passed. Still I know that this is a hard saying, especially when those are in question of whom you will constantly be reminded by seeing in the homes of others blessings of which once you also boasted: for grief is felt not so much for the want of what we have never known, as for the loss of that to which we have been long accustomed. Yet you who are still of an age to beget children must bear up in the hope of having others in their stead; not only will they help you to forget those whom you have lost, but will be to the state at once a reinforcement and a security; for never can a fair or just policy be expected of the citizen who does not, like his fellows, bring to the decision the interests and apprehensions of a father. While those of you who have passed your prime must congratulate yourselves with the thought that the best part of your life was fortunate, and that the brief span that remains will be cheered by the fame of the departed. For it is only the love of honour that never grows old; and honour it is, not gain, as some would have it, that rejoices the heart of age and helplessness.

"Turning to the sons or brothers of the dead, I see an arduous struggle before you. When a man is gone, all are wont to praise him, and should your merit be ever so transcendent, you will still find it difficult not merely to overtake, but even to approach their renown. The living have envy to contend with, while those who are no longer in our path are honoured with a goodwill into which rivalry does not enter. On the other hand, if I must say anything on the subject of female excellence to those of you who will now be in widowhood, it will be all comprised in this brief exhortation. Great will be your glory in not falling short of your natural character; and greatest will be hers who is least talked of among the men, whether for good or for bad.

"My task is now finished. I have performed it to the best of my ability, and in word, at least, the requirements of the law are now satisfied. If deeds be in question, those who are here interred have received part of their honours already, and for the rest, their children will be brought up till manhood at the public expense: the state thus offers a valuable prize, as the garland of victory in this race of valour, for the reward both of those who have fallen and their survivors. And where the rewards for merit are greatest, there are found the best citizens.

By Thucydides

Written 431 B.C.E

Translated by Richard Crawley

 
Well, it's the speech by Pericles, recounted in Thucydides' historical epic "History of the Peloponnesian War", to clarify.   Thucydides was a little more cynical about Athens and the war in general than Pericles was in his oration.   Pericles was in turn trying to buff up the flagging morale of his people by reminding them in the most glowing of terms how much better they were than their foes.

And one has to note that the Athens did not succeed.   She lost the Peloponnesian War.   The reasons why somewhat undermine your suggested purpose in posting this I think.

Athens alienated allies and would-be allies, causing revolt in her empire and driving other states into the arms of their enemies, the Spartans, through arrogant and heavy handed behavior.   At crucial periods, Athens suffered from disastrous infighting between its politicians and military leaders (often one and the same), and after the death of the cautious Pericles, conducted a number of ill advised and over ambitious expeditions that squandered her military power.

It doesn't make for the most rousing comparison.
 
Thanks Tim, I was trying to remember the dates and names before I posted.
Seems you've got something of a classics encyclopedia in your head.
 
Nahh, I read "History of the Peloponnesian War" ages ago in first year (It's still a good read though - quite gripping for a history text originally in another language).  When memory fails, I google like mad.  ;D

I was just clarifying the possible confusion of who made the speech (Pericles), and who was just recording and recounting it (Thucydides).
 
It is true that the Athenians came to a bad end, but I am willing to argue that part of the reason was they lost sight of the very qualities that Pericles was highlighting in his Funeral Oration.

However, the qualities which made Athens a great power prolonged the conflict far beyond what anyone had planned or even dreamed possible. Donald Kagan's book "The Pelloponessian War" does an economic analysis of the combattents, and concludes from available evidence even the Athenians were only prepared for a war lasting three or four years. Twenty seven years later the combined weight of Imperial overstreach (the disasterous Sicilian expedition destroyed the flower of their army and fleet seven years before the end), an alliance of almost every Polis outside the Delian League itself and a vast injection of Persian money finally took Athens down. Being flexible, resourceful and willing to give everything for your ideals does go a long way.

Thucydides purpose in recounting the speech and the rest of the history is both as an inspiration and a warning:
"...if these words of mine are judged useful by those who want to understand clearly the events which happened in the past, and (human nature being what it is) will at some time or other and in much the same way, be repeated in the future."
 
a_majoor said:
It is true that the Athenians came to a bad end, but I am willing to argue that part of the reason was they lost sight of the very qualities that Pericles was highlighting in his Funeral Oration. . .

. . . If they ever had them.

Remember, this was a funeral oration, given after one of the early battles in the war to honour the dead and bolster the morale of the living.   Such things cannot be taken as purely factual, but are in the most part propaganda.   It's a great window into how the Athenians saw themselves and their ideal state, but not so great at portraying the reality.

The reality was that Athens was an arrogant, imperial state, who brought much of her own misfortune by lording her wealth and power over the other Greek Polis.   In the end she so alienated potential allies that she enabled Sparta (always respected and admired, but never loved) to build her own alliance against which Athens could not stand.   For all his promotion of democracy, Pericles was highly autocratic, uncompromising and intolerant of challengers and rivals.   These are not healthy traits in a democracy, and while Athens prospered under his rule, the chaos that followed his death was almost inevitable.   With no strong leader to replace him, the intrinsic flaws of Athenian direct democracy were magnified, leading to disunity, arbitary decisions, mobocracy and literally fighting in the streets between political parties and opponents.

Athens lasted so long not because of her ideals, but because she was an imperial naval power, all but immune to the land power of her enemies, able to supply herself by her mastery of the seas.   When that failed however, she lost - and part of that failure can be blamed on the flaws in her system of government.   Certainly many Greeks felt this way, and after the defeat of Athens democracy as a sytem of government was very much discredited across the Greek world.
 
Good points, and all true, but how people see themselves and how closely they hew to those ideals is a very important factor, if almost impossible to quantify. Athens mastry of the seas was a huge advantage, but the Pelleponnesian league worked hard on nullifying that advantage by building its own fleet and using a combination of diplomacy and bribery to pull states with their own navies out from the Athenian orbit.

The most telling point is Athens was still able to prosecute the war for seven years after losing her fleet and army in Sicily, they retained the flexibility to rebuild from that loss in political, economic and military terms in ways that I would argue more centralized states could not. (Not long after the end of the Pelleponessian war, the "10,000" fought their way out of Persia using democratic forums and a flexible cast of mind to baffle the far greater Persian forces. The Persian Empire cracked quite quickly when Alexander the Great invaded, and Persia had far greater resources than Athens or the combined might of the Delian league could ever muster.)

In our context, I wonder how many people would think the virtues outlined by Pericles are valid or true, and how many even attempt to adhere to these ideals?
 
a_majoor said:
In our context, I wonder how many people would think the virtues outlined by Pericles are valid or true, and how many even attempt to adhere to these ideals?

In our context?   Do you mean that the values and virtues that Pericles outlined and how they apply to our democracy?

Two thoughts (that probably don't answer the question):

1)   Context is important.   Although we can be quick to denigrate the actions of past societies because they don't fit into are own current moral values, we still cannot dismiss the historical record for what it is.   The ideas of Pericles funeral oration (I think we can be fairly positive on the accounts of the speech, Thucydides was an Athenian soldier at the time and probably would have been in attendance) are very important to the heritage of Western thought.   That is why we read

2)   Ideals still play a very important part in defining the course of events.   Although "real" and "ideal" may be black and white, "ideal" is often the impetus for many of the actions contributing to the "real".   Although the US Declaration of Independence (another important document of "ideals") was drawn up by slave owners (and half of "the people" where still loyal to the Crown), that doesn't change the fact that the political dialogue of American Republicanism hasn't flowed from the ideas of that document and the Constitution which followed.

That being said, as much as I admire the funeral oration of Pericles, which focuses on Democracy (it was my introductory reading in Political Theory), when seeking to find the source of where the Greeks found strength in their political thought, I would venture that the notion of the independent Polis (a sort of proto-Republicanism) was much more central fostering notions of civilian stoicism in the face of adversity.

(Classical Studies was my other field of study, so bear with me)

Herodotus (The "Father of History") claimed that the exiled Spartan Demaratus was said to have fortold the doom of the Persian invasion force to Xerxes when he claimed that Spartans, when   â Å“fighting together they are the best soldiers in the world.   They are free - yes - but not entirely free; for they have a master, and that master is Law, which they fear much more than your subjects fear you (Herodotus 7:104).â ?

It is law that makes the red-cloaked Spartans free, just like their Athenian brethren, and it is law that ultimately creates an untenable position in attempting to subjugate Sparta.

Now, although the factual nature of Herodotus is very suspect, the allegory is important.   Herodotus gives us a very Hellenistic view of the role of the citizen within his city-state, his polis.   He portrays the Greek political units as the most sophisticated political entities within the natural order of Mediterranean society and with this sophistication comes a responsibility to protect one's civic freedoms.   Thus, the martial spirit necessary to protect these politics is part and parcel of Greek society, and forms the primary difference between the civilized Greek citizen and the foreign serf who is stripped of any form of a political entity.

Much more important to the political dialogue of Classical Athens was the term of isonomia - the equality of all citizens before the Law.   Kleisthenes reforms of 509 BC (regarded as the historical origin of Athenian Democracy) enshrined this prinicpal as the most basic institution of Athenian democracy.   It is this quality that most Greek polies regarded as one of the key factors that separated the "Hellenes" from the "Barbarians".

Infact, I remember one Classics professor stating that the historical record shows that demokratia was not unique to Athens - due to the wealth of Empire it just happened to be the most successful one (and the one that history has passed on records to us).

As T.I.M. points out , it is only fitting that the hubris of "Oriental" societies of king and slave that the Athenians, along with the other Greeks, fought off years before in the Persian Wars should be their ultimate downfall; this hubris is most evident in the Melian Dialogue, which I've quoted on this site before.   Sure, the strong will do what they can, but it is a dangerous practice in a bi-polar world in which the contender is fueled by the same civic notions - as evidenced by the fact that Sparta tore down the walls of Athens and set an oligarchy into place.

 
The newest school of thought about the origins of Democracy and Western culture is led by Victor Davis Hanson, who starts with the simple insight that Greek society was agrarian in nature.

The very cut up nature of the Greek landscape favored small farms, which would also be limited in size to what labour a family could provide. Each polis was surrounded by up to several thousand farms, and each farm could provide enough wealth to the owner to purchase the panoply of bronze armour, shield and spear which was the distinctive dress of the Hoplite infantryman. Farmers in a district could muster together and form the solid block of spearsmen (the Phalanx) which was invincible against aristocratic cavalry (available in only small numbers, and only carrying throwing spears; shock cavalry would appear in Europe a thousand years after the Greek civilization passed away) or mobs of the poor (thrown rocks would bounce off the armour, and it would be difficult to come to grips with a Hoplite when he is standing shoulder to shoulder with a few hundred of his peers).

Since Hoplite/farmers could sweep the other Greek class groups from the battlefield, they also marginalized them politically and economically during the classical era. The Persian Wars broke this cycle, and the Peloponnesian War pretty much buried it.

I think I really meant "In our era, I wonder how many people would think the virtues outlined by Pericles are valid or true...". Recognizing the context the speech was made in is important, but Western civilization is clearly the successor to the classical civilizations of Greece and Rome, so I believe there is , or should be some resonance with these ideals even today.
 
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