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The average person did not receive a 23.27% salary increase in Nova Scotia. The market will reach a point nobody can afford the asking price because the banks won't approve their mortgage application.
There are lots of people with deep pockets, many of them right here in Canada, many of them in control of the way things are run. The average person will just have to learn to rent from politicians and other people in the "protected" class.The average person did not receive a 23.27% salary increase in Nova Scotia. The market will reach a point nobody can afford the asking price because the banks won't approve their mortgage application.
with average rent over 3000 mortgages are actually cheaper. More like two or three families will have to learn to live together in the politicians townhouseThere are lots of people with deep pockets, many of them right here in Canada, many of them in control of the way things are run. The average person will just have to learn to rent from politicians and other people in the "protected" class.
with average rent over 3000 mortgages are actually cheaper. More like two or three families will have to learn to live together in the politicians townhouse
If Canada wants to respect and recognize treaty rights, it must kill Bill C-53
TANYA TALAGA
SPECIAL TO THE GLOBE AND MAIL
PUBLISHED YESTERDAYUPDATED 6 HOURS AGO
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Ask any First Nations person how they feel about Bill C-53 (An Act Respecting the Recognition of Certain Métis Governments in Alberta, Ontario, and Saskatchewan), and odds are, they’ll tell you the bill needs to die.
If it passes third reading, the federal bill would recognize the Métis Nation of Ontario (MNO), the Métis Nation of Alberta (MNA) and Métis Nation - Saskatchewan (MNS) as legitimate Indigenous governments, part of the right to self-determination protected by Section 35 of the Constitution. It would also recognize “six historic settlements” that had been recognized by the Ontario government in 2017.
That’s pretty rich, since the province constantly fights First Nations in court, refusing to own up to their longstanding obligations under the Robinson treaties. But that’s in keeping with the bill, which ironically fails at “respecting” or giving “recognition” to First Nations rights in Ontario. The Act would be a major step toward trampling on treaty rights holders in the 133 First Nations in Ontario, as well as Status Indians under the Indian Act – all while First Nations’ protestations have been ignored.
The Assembly of First Nations opposes Bill C-53, calling on Canada to withdraw the bill and honour its obligations under the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples to meaningfully consult. The Wabun Tribal Council, which represents six First Nations in eastern Ontario, does not recognize the MNO’s Section 35 rights. Nishnawbe Aski Nation said that it would be “an attack on our inherent and treaty rights.” The Manitoba Métis Federation (MMF) also opposes the bill, and the Metis Nation - Saskatchewan has withdrawn its support, criticizing the legislation as “one-size-fits-all” as it pursues its own separate negotiations.
The main concern: what happens when large groups with historic claims, armed with recognized rights to self-government, convince Ottawa and the provinces that they’ve been overlooked on the road to reconciliation, and that they must receive harvesting rights, be written into history books, and ultimately be given control over land and resources? Whose land and resources will be given, in that scenario?
The Métis National Council, which does not include the Manitoba Métis Federation after it broke ties in 2021 over allegations that the MNO had watered down its membership roll, has joined the MNO and MNA in backing Bill C-53. But there has been no consultation. The MNO says that because the bill does not affect First Nations rights, it doesn’t trigger the duty to consult.
At the heart of this conflict is a problem being tackled at the Indigenous Identity Fraud Summit in Winnipeg, hosted by the MMF and the Chiefs of Ontario. The harms of “Pretendians” – the misappropriation of First Nations, Métis and Inuit identities, co-opted by settlers and the sudden appearance of large groups pursuing constitutional rights across the country – have been discussed. On the East Coast, such “Pretendians” often claim to be Métis or Mi’kmaq, explained Dr. Pam Palmater, a lawyer and member of Eel River Bar First Nation in New Brunswick. Examples of such groups are the Acadian-Métis and the Eastern Woodland Métis Nation.
Many groups have been politically organized. “Unlike First Nations who all have uniqueness, this is a unified group with all the same intention,” Fort William First Nation Chief Michele Solomon told me, in regard to the MNO. “They have gained political power.”
In a statement, the MNO said it was disappointed not to have been invited to the summit, and that “historic rights-bearing communities unquestionably exist in Ontario. This was definitively proven by the unanimous Supreme Court of Canada decision, R v. Powley.” That ruling recognized the Section 35 rights of the Métis community in Sault Ste. Marie, Ont.
But what the MNO seems to forget is that the very thing it is fighting for – recognition and legitimacy against erasure – is not being reciprocated to First Nations and Status Indians in their campaign. You cannot negotiate for recognition if it chips away at our rights and traditional territory – and at the very least, many First Nations people feel that Bill C-53 is an infringement. Without consultation, they are silenced.
I don’t often write about Métis issues because I’m not a community member. The definition of who is Métis, who is not, and who speaks for them is the subject of much debate among Métis themselves; it is not for me to decide. But I do know that until everything is cleared up, we can’t be changing laws and potentially redrawing maps in ways that are not built on Indigenous laws and protocols. If these efforts were clear, after all, we wouldn’t be passing laws in Parliament; we’d be dealing face to face. And that has not happened.
As such, the colonization continues. This time, with help.
The Ojibwe are closely related to the Odawa and Algonquin peoples, and share many traditions with neighbouring Cree people, especially in the north and west of Ontario, and east of Manitoba. Some Cree and Ojibwe peoples have merged to form Oji-Cree communities.
Talaga is of mixed heritage, describing her ancestry as being one-fourth Ojibwe (Anishinaabe) and half Polish.
In the example you provided the mill owners were the baddies.I was wrong to personalize the discussion.
You're not wrong about the effects of the market on the youngsters.
Years ago there was a TV series called Time Team. A bunch of itinerant archaeologists who did three day digs all over Britain. They fascinated me. One site they investigated was an early Arkwright factory. It was a steam driven mill by design but the early Newcomen style engine wasn't as efficient as they hoped so they ended up with a closed circuit water driven mill with the steam pump being used to circulate the water. This was the beginning of the industrial revolution circa 1770 or thereabouts IIRC.
There was a secondary story line. About slums and Karl Marx's commentaries.
The original mill was designed with accommodation for the factory staff. The accommodations were top notch. Separate houses for each worker, with a long enough yard to be able to keep a pig, a few chickens and maintain a garden. The idea was that the place had to be able to attract the best labour from the farms and bring them into the new factories. The early capitalists were utopians.
Fast forward a lifetime, 70 years, to Karl Marx's day and Karl was observing slums.
The Agricultural Revolution meant that there were fewer jobs on farms so there was a surplus of labour for the mills. The mill owners no longer had to compete for labour. Labour was competing for jobs. All of those neat little one family houses were subdivided. The archaeology showed that single family homes became two family homes with a family per home. Then the cellars were rented out. Then the cellars were divided to create two private homes - below grade, with no windows. Where there had been one well off factory worker when the mill opened, 70 years later there were now 8 to 10 mill worker's families living is squalor. The utopians were no more. They were now competing with other mill owners who could undercut them because they didn't have to compete for labour and they were saturating the market place, driving down the price of woolens and everything else that could be manufactured.
Chicken and egg time. Did capitalists create slums or did the workers do it to themselves?
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We are living in cities that are just over 70 years old, counting from the post-WW2 boom. The houses that were built since then had planned lives of about 25 years. That stock of houses, and the lifestyle for which it was designed, as well as the occupants, is fading into the past.
Europe is full of high density slums converted into modern high density cities. Much of Canada was settled by people that were actively escaping those high density communities, modernized or not. They knew what it was like to live with sewage running down the streets due to inadequate infrastructure, too little water, too few doctors, too few jobs and being besieged by outbreaks of disease. They aspired to a job and a home of their own that they could keep clean and raise healthy kids.
It seems a pity to me that it only takes a lifetime to start replicating the cycle that Karl Marx saw.
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People do best when they have their own little patch that they can control to their own satisfaction with their own capital. The Tragedy of the Commons is still a real thing.
Regulations? In Canada?Meanwhile, good old red tape continues to foil the visionaries
Regulations, 'fragmented' construction sector holding back housing starts: CMHC
Laberge proposes regulatory reform, particularly at the municipal level, as one solution to increasing productivity. He said rules around permit delivery, how many storeys and units a building can contain and development charges stand in the way of further development in many regions.
Regulations, 'fragmented' construction sector holding back housing starts: CMHC
Regulate building codes so properties are inherently safe, and are difficult to burn down of have structural problems.Regulations? In Canada?
Regulatory Costs in Canada and the United States: A Small Business Perspective
This report considers the impact of regulation on businesses in both Canada and the U.S. Unnecessary regulation undermines productivity, lowers wages, and attacks the entrepreneurial spirit.www.cfib-fcei.ca
Sure, excess regulation is holding Canada back, but who really has the will for change?
Business decries internal-trade barriers, but are also conflicted, as some benefit from local barriers: Kevin Carmichaelfinancialpost.com
Stagnant regulations impair innovation and economic growth: Senator Colin Deacon
Canada’s investments in innovation are producing lacklustre results, and a stagnant regulatory system is a big part of the problem, writes Senator Colin Desencanada.ca